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3 conceptions of the rule of law, the bare bones conception.
When investigating what the Rule of Law consists of, Elliot’s tripartite distinction extends the traditional dualist debate between the formal and substantive conceptions one layer further. We thus begin with this extension – a barebone principle of legality. This is related to HLA Hart’s rule of recognition – if something is to be regarded a law, it must follow the appropriate procedure recognized by the legal system and constitution at large. In the context of the UK Parliament, this ordinarily requires approval by both Houses of Parliament, as well as royal assent from the Queen – in the circumstances proscribed under the Parliament Acts 1911/49, the consent of the Lords is not required. There are two things to note at this point. Firstly, this barebone principle of legality is morally neutral – to lend Sir Leslie Stephen’s overused example – the Blue Eyed Babies Genocidal Act 2020 would be valid provided it was enacted in the appropriate institutional context. Yet moral neturality does not strip the concept of normative value – to lend an example, Lord Camden’s famous judicial dicta in Entick v Carrington: “ if it is law, it will be found in our books. If it is not to be found there, it is not law.” This strong statement was accompanied with a declaration that then Secretary of State’s Lord Halifax’s order to search Entick’s home was unlawful. We thus already see normative value in this bare bone conception in preventing unfettered executive discretion – If Lord Halifax wished to conduct such search, he would have to either rely on statute or established precedent with regard to the prerogative.
Many academics however, argue that the rule of law properly understood requires us to go further – beyond respect for the rule of recognition as one precondition for valid law, the rule of law is thought to impose further requirements. This is where the traditional debate between formal and substantive requirements is located. We speak of the former first. With regards to the formal conception of the Rule of law, there are multiple definitions. The high juristic authority of Joseph Raz is chosen here for its brevity and accuracy, as well as contemporaneous context(in comparison with Dicey). According to Raz, the 3 key requirements that the law must conform to are that laws:
These principles manifest themselves in judicial dicta which provide strong evidence that the UK constitution adheres to such a formal conception. Two cases are particularly helpful in this regard. Firstly, Lord Steyn’s invocation of the rule of law in Anufrijeva , where the entitlement to benefits of an asylum seeker was upheld is particularly instructive in demonstrating the application of legal certainty where it was thought that a constitutional state “must accord to individuals the right to know of a decision before their rights can be adversely affected”, with the Kafka-esque antithesis being described as a state where the rights of individuals could be eroded by “knocks on doors in the early hours”. Secondly, the idea that laws should not be retroactive is illustrated by Pierson , where it was held that the home secretary’s retroactive extension of a prisoner’s sentence from 15 to 20 years detention was unlawful on the basis that “a sentence lawfully passed should not retrospectively be increased”.
Further, Raz speaks of practical institutional arrangements which must be secured in order to conform with these 3 requirements – that people must have access to courts, further, their independence and expertise must be secured in order to allow them resolve disputes objectively in accordance with legal principle. Finally, in terms of the practical institutional requirement of access to courts which Raz argues is important – the Witham case involved the declaration that a substantial increase in fees to be paid to initiate litigation under … was held to be ultra vires as it would inhibit people on low incomes from making legal claims. Similar facts, relating to employment tribunals this time may be found in Unison .
At this point, it is clear that the formal conception provides more exacting conditions on our law as compared to the bare bones principle of legality – as it demands a legal framework that constrains in particular, the discretion of the executive, beyond the fact that laws must be passed through a process compatible with the prevailing rule of recognition. Expressed by Hayek, the normative appeal of the formal conception is clear and justifies its existence – legal certainty should be facilitated in order for individuals to be able to plan their behaviour as an individual autonomous agent. The eager constitutionalist is then confronted with a curious question – in pursuit of a more optimum normative state, why stop at the formal conception? Should further rights form the basis of a more onerous rule of recognition in pursuit of moral and normative truth? This is the controversy over the formal conception, which we now consider.
The substantive conception of the rule of law, as well as the controversy surrounding it can be explicated paradoxically, by Raz’s argument against it- Citing a 1959 report of the International Committee of Jurists, who adopted the view that the rule of law encompassed values such as “civil and political rights” as well as “social educational and cultural conditions”, rejecting this view, Raz retorts “If the rule of law is the rule of the good law then to explain its nature is to propound a complete social philosophy”. Unpacking this dissent, we are firstly directed towards what the substantive conception entails – whereas the requirements of the formal conception, as explicated earlier are comparatively modest based on the foundational principle of respect for individual autonomy(as Elliot and Hart argue), the substantive conception claims for it what political constitutionalists such as Griffith would argue are simply contested political claims. Before examining Raz’s dissent, it is worth considering how, if at all, the substantive conception of the rule of law applies in the context of the UK’s constitution. “Law and Democracy” and “The Rule of Law” by the late and eminent Laws LJ and Lord Bingham respectively show the existence of a substantive conception, at least in the mind of judicial actors.
The position in case law is more controversial. While the formal and substantive conceptions are not entirely discrete, and debate abounds about at what point certain foundational principles turn into common political claims, there are two cases which arguably demonstrate the existence of such a conception. In Daly , a government policy was held to be unlawful because it conflicted with the right to attorney privilege. Emphasising that the decision was reached through “orthodox applications of common law principles” as opposed to convention rights, Lords Bingham and Cooke affirmed the view that “some rights [were] inherent and fundamental to democratic civilised society.” and that constitutions responded by recognising rather than creating these prior rights. Similarly, the right to equality was underlined by Re M , where a Minister was held in contempt of court for refusing to comply with a court order to stay his hand from deporting an asylum seeker. To hold otherwise according to Lord Templeman would “establish the proposition that the executive obey the law as a matter of grace and not as a matter of necessity, a proposition which would reverse the result of the Civil War”.
Attorney privilege and the right to equality appear to be good to uphold, wherein lies the controversy with the substantive conception? Fundamentally, the argument boils down to the usual concern raised by Griffith and hardline political constitutionalists in general that greater influence on the constitution by the judges will lead to a rise of machiavellian philosopher kings who rule without democratic mandate and cloak their politics in the false neutrality of a substantive conception. Raz thus distinguishes his formal conception as one which is morally neutral. Two points must be raised here, firstly in rebuttal of Raz And secondly in rebuttal of the political constitutionalist argument against the rule of law.
Firstly, the formal conception cannot be said to be morally neutral – it is premised on the basic respect for the functioning of an individual as an autonomous being. This dispels any illusions of a bright line between formal and substantive forms of the rule of law – individual autonomy is potentially as contestable a right as attorney privilege in Daly , or the equality of individuals in Re M . The real distinction is that the formal conception is reliant on a foundationalist view of justification, where individual autonomy serves as the foundation on which all else rests. On the other hand, the substantive conception is reliant on a non foundationalist view, inasmuch as no single principle is taken to be the foundation on which all else depends; rather each belief mutually supports and is supported by the others, and is in that sense justified.
Secondly, deconstructing Griffith’s argument and using the foundational value of individual autonomy as an example, it is essentially the view that a lack of consensus precludes the existence of the virtue of individual autonomy from being objectively true, yet this objection doesn’t count snakes, tigers, and polar bears amongst those whose judgments (about the goodness of autonomy) are to be ascertained, but it is about as indiscriminating in its allowing virtually any member of the human species to count. Demonstrably, the volitionary and fetishistic slave may lack an appreciation of individual autonomy, while some might simply lack the capacity to come to a judgement on the matter. But why should the judgments of such individuals deflect those coming from the majority who have a deep capacity and self-evident certainty that individual autonomy is good? Or in fact, equality or attorney privilege for that matter? Few would dissent the normative value of these concepts. Further, our argument here does not simply rest on the support of the majority(which is assumed here admittedly). As Aquinas noted long ago, while certain propositions “are universally self-evident to all .. . [others] are self-evident only to the wise . . . If any propositions of law is self-evident, surely they are in the latter category, and to be adjudged by a class of individuals selected meritocratically from amongst the foremost institutions of legal practice – the judiciary.
The rule of law in our constitution.
No further justification will be given for the preceding arguments: the reader will either be convinced by the analysis, or will believe I am terribly wrong. Conveniently, there is only time to assume the former here. Proceeding on such a charitable assumption, we might draw two conclusions that illuminates the nature of the rule of law in our constitution. Firstly, that the rule of law is an important part of our constitutional arrangements – not only paid lip service to by the Constitutional Reform Act 2015, but also applied through the common law of the court in constitutional cases of recent memory, for what is hoped are obvious normative reasons, largely premised on a respect for the individual as an autonomous functioning being capable of making individual choices, as Hart puts it. This essay has argued for the existence of all 3 progressive forms of the rule of law within our constitutional framework – but it is conceded that only the bare bones and formal conception exist without dispute. The next conclusion addresses a potential unifying conception of a single rule of law.
Regarding the debate between formal and substantive conceptions, this commentator controversially argues that there are no clearly demarcated boundaries – the distinction lies within the choice of epistemic justification proffered – Raz prefers a foundational theory, while late eminent jurists such as Sir John Laws and Lord Bingham of Cornhill for instance would support a non foundational justificatory framework. It is suggested however that we should not further create a false and unnecessary division of a constitutional principle as nebulous as the rule of law on the vagaries of epistemic justification – this is a distinction which outside a highly specialised or philosophical academic setting has little practical importance. Foundational or non foundational, the rule of law simply demands that its constituent principles have some grounds of (surprise) justification. Such justification may exist even though rights are contestable, because it is posited that widespread emotional response and consensus to values such as equality and the value of individual autonomy might serve as grounds of validating the truth of these assertions. It is conceded however, that this is a controversial view.
Crucially however, it is not argued that the judiciary employ the Rule of Law as a legal rule to usurp the power of the state on the grounds of intellectual or moral superiority – instead, this commentator believes that we must recognise that while contestable rights may have objective normative value, the more contestable or “substantive” the right, the greater the probability that this is an area where Parliament has better institutional legitimacy and design to tackle. There is thus a need for the courts to respect the constitutional position of the legislature and draw the boundaries accordingly in enforcing the rule of law. While law students certainly crave for bright lines, the constitution of reason is far more nuanced than we would have hoped.
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Studying law offers the opportunity to develop a range of skills and explore many aspects of human life. It gives you the chance to sharpen your mind, strengthen your understanding and deepen your experience across the full range of humanities and social sciences. You acquire both breadth of understanding and depth in the areas that interest you most.
Law should therefore appeal to those who want to develop both abstract thinking and practical problem-solving. It’s easy to see why you don’t have to become a lawyer just because you’ve done a law degree; many choose other paths. A law degree can give you the skills to be a successful lawyer but also a successful producer, politician, manager, journalist, diplomat or police officer; a law degree equips you for almost any profession that requires intellectual strength combined with a practical approach to the world.
So, why bother doing a (demanding) three-year law degree when you could do a (less intense) degree for three years and then do an (intense) one-year law conversion course or spend (an equally intense) five- to six-month period studying for the Solicitors Qualifying Examination (SQE), to end up seeking the same jobs as those who did a law degree? When couched in these terms, the answer may seem a no-brainer: do the less intense course. We disagree. A law degree may come at the price of fewer lie-ins and mid-morning coffees but most law students combine an active social life and extra-curricular activities with the demands of the course. Most importantly, we think they come out much the better for it. Here are just five advantages of reading law at university:
Those reading law typically cover 14 subjects in their degree, whereas students taking a law conversion course normally study only seven core subjects, and those preparing for the Solicitors Qualifying Examination will focus on preparing only ‘functional legal knowledge’ relevant to client-based scenarios. Students who have an undergraduate law degree have the opportunity both to pursue specialised areas of particular interest beyond the core and also to appreciate the bigger picture: how the law fits together and how the law relates to other subjects, such as politics, economics, history, criminology and philosophy. We are often asked what makes a successful lawyer. We offer a variety of answers: the ones you would expect — intelligence, determination, drive, hard work; and one you might not — imagination. Creative arguments are derived from thinking laterally around a problem, and the ability to do that is often related to breadth of legal knowledge. A particular line of reasoning in a case involving commercial contracts might be inspired by something you learned in a labour law seminar 20 years earlier.
“In my view, pupils who have done an undergraduate Law degree start with a very considerable advantage over those who have tried to cram in everything in less than a year. A Law degree allows a student to gain a broader and more mature understanding of the subject.” – Jonathan Hirst QC, former Chairman of the Bar of England and Wales
Yes, the conversion course or SQE preparation course lets you glimpse the delights of the window-climbing burglar dressed only in his socks and the snail in a ginger beer bottle. However, if you only did a conversion course or SQE preparation course you would miss out on learning what Bernard Manning did at a Roundtable dinner and what the supermarket chain Safeways did to the pony-tail wearing Mr Smith. The law reaches into every aspect of human life and a three-year degree plainly offers much a greater opportunity to sample the rich variety of problems and possibilities with which the law engages.
Acquiring the skills of thinking like a lawyer comes with practice – lots of practice. Children take years to acquire the skills of communicating, learning from their parents and others not just the vocabulary but also the grammar, intonation, subtleties and structures of the language. The same is true for learning law. Law is the language society uses to define relationships, to explain rights and obligations and to regulate interaction between individuals and society as a whole. Robots can be taught the basics but law students develop an affinity for the subject by being exposed to different writers and arguments, and by exploring the social phenomena and other intellectual disciplines that are implicated in legal problems. In a law degree, you learn to read and interpret the primary sources, put them in context, evaluate them, and make up your own mind. Developing these critical skills and this contextual understanding takes time – more time, we suggest, than is realistically available in a one-year conversion course.
Just as law involves distinctive ways of thinking, it also involves a distinctive vocabulary – a new language. Students learn this language alongside their peers, who are also struggling with its forms and subtleties. They also learn from their teachers, who often use simple vocabulary to explain difficult concepts, preparing law students them to advise clients who will usually not be legally trained. The same goes for writing about law. Writing verbose and unnecessarily complex opinions or other documents might make lawyers feel good about themselves but are of little use to clients; statutes and contracts drafted in such language can create enormous problems. Again, acquiring these skills takes time and exposure to a wide range of speakers and writers – for which a three-year law degree plainly offers much greater scope than a conversion course or SQE preparation course.
Many law students participate, for example, in mooting competitions, where they develop skills of oral advocacy, or pro bono societies, where they can give legal advice and support to real people with real problems. Such skills prepare students not only for careers as lawyers but also for diverse careers in policy-related fields, such as government, international organisations, the voluntary sector and business.
During my A-level history studies, I became fascinated by how the law reflects societal development. I enjoyed both history and English literature at A level and had considered studying these subjects at university. However, when reading ‘What about Law?’, I became interested in the issues that arise in the course of an undergraduate law degree, and the type of analysis involved. Ultimately, this led me to study law rather than any other subject. – Danielle What excites me most about the study and practice of law is the marriage of theoretical concept and practical application. Engaging with the messiness and complexity of legal doctrines and rules, whilst trying to come up with a workable solution, is intellectually challenging, and rewarding. – Joshua
Consistently with what we say above about studying law, we encourage you, of course, to listen to competing views and to make up your own mind. If you have time, you might be interested to watch a debate held in Cambridge in 2013 on the topic, “Those who wish to practise law should not study law at university”. The speakers were The Rt Hon. Lord Sumption, a Justice of the Supreme Court of the United Kingdom who read history and became an academic before becoming a leading barrister and judge, and Professor Graham Virgo, Professor of English Private Law and Pro-Vice Chancellor for Education in the University.
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What are the advantages of studying a law degree? We uncover what it means to study an llb at degree level and where this could take you.
What do Margaret Thatcher, Benazir Bhutto, Barack Obama and Mahatma Gandhi have in common? Interestingly, they are world leaders who studied law. One of the oldest academic fields in the world, a law degree is a highly regarded qualification and promises great career opportunities.
For some, to study law is to uphold justice, a noble call that is most commendable (and the world needs more of them); nevertheless, law is not just for lawyers or in the courtroom as it affects all aspects of society; from the protection of life and liberty to corporate or international relations, law graduates are capable of doing many important roles in various professions.
A quick look at the benefits of studying law brings to light why it remains one of the most wanted degrees for students from all around the world.
1. strong foundation for further/combined academic studies, 2. multitudes of career options, 3. financial stability, 4. master critical thinking, strong reasoning and analytical skills, 5. the power to make a difference through law .
7. awareness of rights and responsibilities.
9. better communication skills and high adaptability towards various career transitions , 10. an intellectual challenge , have a look....
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Why civil gideon won’t fix family law.
This Essay explains why we should hesitate before throwing full support behind a civil Gideon initiative for family law, regardless of how wholeheartedly we embrace the proposition that parental rights are as important as physical liberty. The comparable importance of these interests does not necess…
122 Yale L.J. 2126 (2013). There is no doubt that Gideon v. Wainwright is extraordinary, but in thinking about its uniqueness, we are reminded of “American exceptionalism” and the diametrically opposed meanings that advocates have ascribed to the phrase. Gideon too is exceptional, in both the laudato…
122 Yale L.J. 2150 (2013). In its 1963 ruling Gideon v. Wainwright , the Supreme Court declared the right to a lawyer “fundamental and essential” to fairness in the criminal courts and held that lawyers must be provided for people who could not afford them so that every person “stands equal before the…
122 Yale L.J. 2176 (2013). A low income person is more likely to be prosecuted and imprisoned post- Gideon than pre- Gideon . Poor people lose in American criminal justice not because they have ineffective lawyers but because they are selectively targeted by police, prosecutors, and law makers. The crit…
122 Yale L.J. 2206 (2013). Recent empirical studies tested whether litigants with access to lawyers fared better than litigants with access only to advice or limited assistance. Two of the three studies produced null findings—the litigants with access to lawyers, the treatment group, fared no better …
122 Yale L.J. 2236 (2013). Critics of the criminal justice system observe that the promise of Gideon v. Wainwright remains unfulfilled. They decry both the inadequate quality of representation available to indigent defendants and the racially disproportionate outcome of the criminal process. Some hop…
122 Yale L.J. 2260 (2013). Domestic efforts to establish a right to civil counsel by drawing narrow analogies to Gideon v. Wainwright have met with limited success. In contrast, two principles drawn from international jurisprudence—the human right to “civic participation” and the concept of “equality…
122 Yale L.J. 2282 (2013). For the past fifty years, immigration law has resisted integration of Gideon v. Wainwright ’s legacy of appointed counsel for the poor. Today, however, this resistance has given way to Gideon ’s migration. At the level of everyday practice, criminal defense attorneys appointe…
122 Yale L.J. 2316 (2013). As we mark the fiftieth anniversary of the Gideon v. Wainwright decision, the nearly universal assessment is that our indigent defense system remains too under-resourced and overwhelmed to fulfill the promise of the landmark decision, and needs to be reformed. At the same t…
122 Yale L.J. 2336 (2013). In Gideon v. Wainwright , twenty-three state attorneys general, led by Walter F. Mondale and Edward McCormack, joined an amicus brief on the side of the criminal accused, urging the Supreme Court to recognize indigent defendants’ Sixth Amendment right to appointed counsel in…
122 Yale L.J. 2358 (2013). In this Essay, we explore Gideon ’s impact in our community, El Paso, Texas, which has the will to try to meet Gideon ’s challenge, but lacks the resources to deliver fully Gideon ’s promise. We look at the origins of our community’s indigent defense reform and examine our off…
122 Yale L.J. 2376 (2013). This Essay investigates the legacy of Gideon by examining the de facto courts of last resort for convicted offenders: the federal courts of appeals. Part I focuses on the U.S. courts of appeals’ judges and caseloads, revealing that very few federal appellate judges have pri…
122 Yale L.J. 2394 (2013). In evaluating the legacy of Gideon v. Wainwright , it is critical to remember that the Supreme Court’s decision rested on the Sixth Amendment right to counsel for the accused in criminal cases. American law sharply demarcates between the many rights available to criminal def…
122 Yale L.J. 2416 (2013). The right to counsel maintains an uneasy relationship with the demands of trials for war crimes. Drawing on the author’s personal experiences from defending a Guantánamo detainee, the Author explains how Gideon set a baseline for the right to counsel at Guantánamo. Whether …
122 Yale L.J. 2428 (2013). This Essay argues that the Court’s effort to expand habeas review of ineffective assistance of counsel claims in Martinez v. Ryan will make little difference in either the enforcement of the right to the effective assistance of counsel or the provision of competent represen…
122 Yale L.J. 2460 (2013). Gideon v. Wainwright dramatically affects the rights of indigent defendants by entitling them to representation. But Gideon has another systemic consequence as well. In addition to protecting the rights of individual defendants in particular trials, Gideon also protects the…
122 Yale L.J. 2482 (2013). The right to counsel is regarded as a right without peer, even in a field of litigation saturated with constitutional protections. But from this elevated, elite-right status, the right to counsel casts a shadow over the other, less prominent criminal procedure rights. Elabo…
122 Yale L.J. 2504 (2013). One measure of Gideon v. Wainwright is that it made the U.S. government’s efforts to isolate 9/11 detainees from all outsiders at Guantánamo Bay conceptually and legally unsustainable. Gideon , along with Miranda v. Arizona , is part of a democratic narrative shaped over dec…
122 Yale L.J. 2550 (2013). Fifty years ago Gideon promised that an attorney would vindicate the constitutional rights of any accused too poor to afford an attorney. But Gideon also promised more. Writ small, Gideon promised to protect individual defendants; writ large, Gideon promised to protect our …
122 Yale L.J. 2578 (2013). This Essay asks whether federal criminal defendants receive fairer process today than they did in 1963, when Gideon v. Wainwright was decided. It concludes that in many situations they do not; indeed, they often receive far worse. Although Gideon and the Criminal Justice Ac…
122 Yale L.J. 2604 (2013). Everyone knows that excessive caseloads, poor funding, and a lack of training plague indigent defense delivery systems throughout the states, such that the promise of Gideon v. Wainwright is largely unfulfilled. Commentators have disagreed about how best to breathe life int…
122 Yale L.J. 2626 (2013). Despite the promise of Gideon , providing “the guiding hand of counsel” to indigent defendants remains unmanageable, largely because the nation’s public defender offices are overworked and underfunded. Faced with overwhelming caseloads and inadequate resources, public defend…
122 Yale L.J. 2650 (2013). Fifty years ago, Clarence Earl Gideon needed an effective trial attorney. The Supreme Court agreed with Gideon that the Sixth Amendment guaranteed him the right to counsel at trial. Recently, Galin Frye and Anthony Cooper also needed effective representation. These two men,…
122 Yale L.J. 1900 (2013). In IP scholarship, patents are commonly understood as more efficient than other approaches to innovation policy. Their primary ostensible advantage is allocative: as a form of property rights, patents act as a conduit between market signals and potential innovators, ostensi…
122 Yale L.J. 1444 (2013). This Essay puts forward the conceptual and normative underpinnings of a principle of abuse of property right. Owners abuse their right, I argue, when their decisions about a thing are designed just to produce harm. This is so whether that harm is an end in itself (spite) or…
122 Yale L.J. 1254 (2013). The preponderance standard is conventionally described as an absolute probability threshold of 0.5. This Essay argues that this absolute characterization of the burden of proof is wrong. Rather than focusing on an absolute threshold, the Essay reconceptualizes the preponder…
122 Yale L.J. 940 (2013). It is generally assumed that the Constitution requires the Senate to vote to confirm the President’s nominees to principal federal offices. This Essay argues, to the contrary, that when the President nominates an individual to a principal executive branch position, the Senat…
122 Yale L.J. 690 (2012). Legal rules severely restrict payments to fact witnesses, though the government can often offer plea bargains or other nonmonetary inducements to encourage testimony. This asymmetry is something of a puzzle, for most asymmetries in criminal law favor the defendant. The asymm…
122 Yale L.J. 384 (2012).
Regularly invoked by the Supreme Court in diverse contexts, the maxim nemo iudex in sua causa —no man should be judge in his own case—is widely thought to capture a bedrock principle of natural justice and constitutionalism. I will argue that the nemo iudex principle is a m…
122 Yale L.J. 422 (2012). Courts can decide only a small fraction of constitutional issues generated by the American government. This is widely acknowledged. But why do courts have such limited capacity? And how does this limitation affect the substance of constitutional law? This Essay advances a tw…
122 Yale L.J. 154 (2012). One in five indigent murder defendants in Philadelphia is randomly assigned representation by public defenders while the remainder receive court-appointed private attorneys. We exploit this random assignment to measure how defense counsel affect murder case outcomes. Compare…
One in five indigent murder defendants in Philadelphia is randomly assigned representation by public defenders while the remainder receive court-appointed private attorneys. We exploit this random assignment to measure how defense counsel affect murder case outcomes. Comp…
121 Yale L.J. 2216 (2012) . The potential complementarities between antitrust and consumer protection law—collectively, “consumer law”—are well known. The rise of the newly established Consumer Financial Protection Bureau (CFPB) portends a deep rift in the intellectual infrastructure of consumer law …
121 Yale L.J. 1672 (2012) . From its conceptual origin in Magna Charta, due process of law has required that government can deprive persons of rights only pursuant to a coordinated effort of separate institutions that make, execute, and adjudicate claims under the law. Originalist debates about whether t…
121 Yale L.J. 1118 (2012).
In previous articles, we have argued that the European Court of Justice’s reliance on nondiscrimination as the basis for its decisions did not (and could not) satisfy commonly accepted tax policy norms, such as fairness, administrability, economic efficiency, production o…
121 Yale L.J. 534 (2011).
State implementation of federal law is commonplace, but has been largely ignored by the interpretive doctrines of legislation and administrative law. We have no Chevron , federalism canon, or anything else for state implementation, nor any doctrines that ask how Congress’s…
121 Yale L.J. 142 (2011). When a tort rule is fully aligned, harms are valued equally across the elements. Because the valuation of harm within duty equals the valuation within the damages remedy, a fully aligned rule gives dutyholders the option to fully comply with the duty with respect to any harm by…
117 Yale L.J. 1070 (2008).
Criminal law theory made a significant advance roughly thirty years ago when George Fletcher popularized the important conceptual distinction between justifications and excuses. In the intervening years, however, very little progress has been made in exploring the structu…
116 Yale L.J. 1284 (2007)
The conventional approach to preliminary relief focuses on irreparable harm but entirely neglects irreparable benefits. That is hard to understand. Errant irreversible harms are important because they distort incentives and have lasting distributional consequences. But the…
116 Yale L.J. 568 (2006) Notable American jurists and scholars have advanced an approach to contract enforcement that would render breach legally and morally uncontestable, assuming compensation follows. Much of the justification for this endeavor has rested upon claims of judicial and economic effic…
115 Yale L.J. 2416 (2006) Agencies in the executive branch are better situated than other political institutions to take advantage of opportunities to expand their power base by responding quickly and decisively to real or imagined crises. The executive has structural advantages over the other branch…
115 Yale L.J. 2580 (2006) Under Marbury v. Madison , it is "emphatically the province and duty of the judicial department to say what the law is." But in the last quarter-century, the Supreme Court has legitimated the executive's power of interpretation, above all in Chevron, U.S.A., Inc. v. Natural R…
This Essay considers the historic weakness of the American mayoralty and recent reform efforts designed to strengthen it. I argue that the strong mayoralty is a potential instrument for democratic self-government to the extent that it is able to amass power on behalf of the city.
115 Yale L.J. 2512 (2006) Contemporary accounts of the allocation of war powers authority often focus on textual or historical debates as to whether the President or Congress holds the power to initiate military hostilities. In this Essay, we move beyond such debates and instead pursue a comparative …
115 Yale L.J. 2446 (2006) Proponents of the unitary executive have contended that its adoption by the framers "swept plural executive forms into the ash bin of history." Virtually every state government, however, has a divided executive in which executive power is apportioned among different executiv…
115 Yale L.J. 2380 (2006) In a variety of circumstances, state governors exercise independent decision-making power over matters affecting the foreign policy of the United States. This Essay describes and defends this emerging system of gubernatorial foreign policy on both legal and functional ground…
115 Yale L.J. 2350 (2006) Five years after September 11, 2001, America's response to that traumatic day has effectively turned the world of American public law upside down. Claiming that a global war on terror calls for an entirely new legal paradigm, the Bush Administration and its supporters have p…
115 Yale L.J. 2280 (2006) This Essay identifies and analyzes the President's completion power: the President's authority to prescribe incidental details needed to carry into execution a legislative scheme, even in the absence of congressional authorization to complete that scheme. The Essay shows tha…
115 Yale L.J. 2254 (2006) In this Essay, we first observe the rise of what we call "quasipublic executives": both "nominally private executives," that is, private executives in charge of public functions such as corrections, education, and national defense; and "nominally public executives," that is,…
115 Yale L.J. 2218 (2006) This Essay examines independent constitutional interpretation from the bottom up. It focuses on San Francisco's recent challenge to the California ban against same-sex marriage and the judicial response it provoked in Lockyer v. City & County of San Francisco . The Essay argu…
115 Yale L.J. 2480 (2006) In light of recent debates regarding the scope and basis of inherent executive power, particularly with regard to foreign affairs and national security, this Essay examines different conceptions of executive power in five modern democracies. The Essay's study of British and …
115 Yale L.J. 2314 (2006) The standard conception of separation of powers presumes three branches with equivalent ambitions of maximizing their powers. Today, however, legislative abdication is the reigning modus operandi. Instead of bemoaning this state of affairs, this Essay asks how separation of …
115 Yale L.J. 1930 (2006) In a Chapter 11 reorganization, senior creditors can insist on being paid in full before anyone junior to them receives anything. In practice, however, departures from "absolute priority" treatment are commonplace. Explaining these deviations has been a central preoccupation…
115 Yale L.J. 996 (2006) According to conventional law-and-economics theory, private property rights tend to evolve as resource values rise. This optimistic assessment fails to explain the development of open access in many Third World property systems. Indeed, while the evolution of property has bee…
115 Yale L.J. 72 (2005) This Essay proposes a mechanism for expanding competition in state property law, while sketching out the limitations necessary to protect third parties. The fact that property law is produced by the states creates a unique opportunity for experimentation with such property and…
114 Yale L.J. 1897 (2005) Traditional justifications for civil disobedience emphasize the limits of legitimate political authority and defend civil disobedience as a just response when governments overstep these limits. Such liberal justifications are well suited to certain classes of civil disobedie…
114 Yale L.J. 1613 (2005) Many studies have documented seller discrimination against consumers, but this Essay tests and finds that consumers discriminate based on the seller's race. The authors collected data on more than 1000 taxicab rides in New Haven, Connecticut in 2001. After controlling for a …
114 Yale L.J. 535 (2004) Recent cases and scholarship have debated whether copyright law is consistent with the First Amendment. Much of the discussion has centered on copyright law's ability to suppress transformative, creative reuses of copyrighted works and on copyright's fair use doctrine as a m…
114 Yale L.J. 273 (2004) This Essay offers a framework to explain large-scale effective practices of sharing private, excludable goods. It starts with case studies of carpooling and distributed computing as motivating problems. It then suggests a definition for shareable goods as goods that are "lump…
114 Yale L.J. 85 (2004) Criminal procedure largely ignores remorse and apology or, at most, uses them as proxies for an individual defendant's badness. The field is preoccupied with procedural values such as efficiency, accuracy, and procedural fairness, to the exclusion of the criminal law's substan…
113 Yale L.J. 1753 (2004) INTRODUCTION In the wake of the terrorist attacks of September 11, Attorney General John Ashcroft announced a campaign of aggressive preventive detention. Invoking Robert Kennedy, the Attorney General announced that just as Kennedy would arrest a mobster for "spitting on the…
113 Yale L.J. 1751 (2004) Earlier in this Volume of The Yale Law Journal, Professor Bruce Ackerman published his essay The Emergency Constitution, in which he advocated a new constitutional regime to confront the potential for recurring terrorist attacks among modern nations--and the United States in…
113 Yale L.J. 1801 (2004) INTRODUCTION The season for talk of leaving the Constitution behind, while we grit our teeth and do what must be done in times of grave peril--the season for talk of saving the Constitution from the distortions wrought by sheer necessity, while we save ourselves from the d…
113 Yale L.J. 1223 (2004) The phrase "adverse selection" was originally coined by insurers to describe the process by which insureds utilize private knowledge of their own riskiness when deciding to buy or forgo insurance. If A knows he will die tomorrow (but his insurer does not), life insurance th…
113 Yale L.J. 1029 (2004) Terrorist attacks will be a recurring part of our future. The balance of technology has shifted, making it possible for a small band of zealots to wreak devastation where we least expect it--not on a plane next time, but with poison gas in the subway or a biotoxin in the wat…
113 Yale L.J. 895 (2004) The Supreme Court's jurisprudence on criminal juries has overlooked an important piece of history. This is most notable in the context of its jury discrimination jurisprudence over the past twenty years. In Batson v. Kentucky, the Court held that the Equal Protection Clause p…
113 Yale L.J. 621 (2003) For decades, practitioners and academic commentators who believe that target boards should have broad discretion to resist hostile takeover attempts have put forward the "bargaining power hypothesis" to support their view. This hypothesis states that a target with strong tak…
113 Yale L.J. 455 (2003) Scholars writing on insider trading have long believed that insiders can beat the market simply by using nonpublic information to decide when not to trade. Using a simple model, this Essay has shown that the conventional wisdom is wrong. Insiders prevented from trading while …
113 Yale L.J. 119 (2003) "[M]en are described as I think they are," Adolf Berle writes of his work, "rather than as they think they are." He continues: "Some will be shocked. The businessman will find that he is a politician and a commissar--perhaps even a revolutionary one. The liberal finds himsel…
112 Yale L.J. 2261 (2003) The first generation of cyberlaw was about what regulates cyberspace. Led by Larry Lessig's path-breaking scholarship isolating architecture as a constraint on behavior online, a wide body of work has flourished. In a recent article, I took those insights and reverse-engine…
112 Yale L.J. 2291 (2003) Egalitarianism ties people's fortunes together. It takes the good and bad things in people's lives--their blessings and their afflictions--and shares them out, or redistributes them, among their fellows. Where egalitarianism operates, each person's fortunes and misfortunes c…
112 Yale L.J. 2331 (2003) As intellectual property has become increasingly important to the national economy, a consensus has emerged among academics that courts should scrutinize congressional legislation closely under the Constitution's Copyright Clause. This Essay has challenged the academic conse…
112 Yale L.J. 1717 (2003) Why do we care about the Framers of the Constitution? After all, they lived long ago, in a world that was different in countless ways from ours. Why does it matter what their views were, for any reasons other than purely historical ones? And if we don't care about the Framer…
112 Yale L.J. 1473 (2003) In the beginning, there was a man named Looney. George Looney's world was Buchanan County, Virginia, a pocket of Appalachian hills and hollows that juts into Kentucky and West Virginia. In 1911, his place in this world was secure. Where lumber was the only industry in town, …
112 Yale L.J. 829 (2003) Modern economic analysis of contract law began about thirty years ago and, many scholars would agree, has become the dominant academic style of contract theory. Traditional doctrinal analysis exerts less influence than it did prior to 1970 and enjoys little prestige. Philosop…
112 Yale L.J. 553 (2002) Does American corporate law work effectively to enhance shareholder value? The recent corporate governance crisis makes this time as good as any for reexamining the basic structure of this body of law. This Essay provides such a reconsideration of a defining feature of U.S. c…
112 Yale L.J. 261 (2002) We are now in a quiet interlude awaiting the next serious political debate over the nation's tax system. No fundamental tax policy concerns were at stake in the 2002 disputes over economic stimulus or the political huffing and puffing about postponing or accelerating the inco…
112 Yale L.J. 61 (2002) In this Essay, my central claim has been that the probability of harm is often neglected when people's emotions are activated, especially if people are thinking about the worst-case scenario. If that scenario is vivid and easy to visualize, large-scale changes in thought and b…
111 Yale L.J. 2137 (2002) Crime waves always carry with them calls for more law enforcement authority. What happened on September 11, 2001 was, among other things, a crime wave--because of that one day, the number of homicides in America in 2001 will be twenty percent higher than the year before. It…
111 Yale L.J. 1665 (2002) There is a principle of constitutional law holding that "one legislature may not bind the legislative authority of its successors." The Supreme Court recently discussed that principle at length in United States v. Winstar, and although the case was decided on other grounds,…
111 Yale L.J. 1707 (2002) Following the lead of Alexander Bickel's The Least Dangerous Branch: The Supreme Court at the Bar of Politics, legal scholars have been obsessed with the countermajoritarian aspects of judicial review. Much of the literature is normative--how can the dilemma of judicial re…
111 Yale L.J. 941 (2002) This Essay has refocused the predatory pricing debate on ex ante incentives--i.e., the incentives for entry and limit pricing before the predatory period--instead of the traditional focus of high prices after the predatory period. Ideally, a monopoly incumbent should price re…
111 Yale L.J. 619 (2001) An absence of bounded categories may be unsettling but, in lieu of (false) comfort, multi-faceted federalism offers something else, hopefully more useful if less supportive. Under the rubric of multi-faceted federalism, the deployment of categories is accompanied by a sense t…
111 Yale L.J. 399 (2001) A veil of ignorance rule (more briefly a "veil rule") is a rule that suppresses self-interested behavior on the part of decisionmakers; it does so by subjecting the decisionmakers to uncertainty about the distribution of benefits and burdens that will result from a decision. …
111 Yale L.J. 357 (2001) Property has fallen out of fashion. Although people are as concerned as ever with acquiring and defending their material possessions, in the academic world there is little interest in understanding property. To some extent, this indifference reflects a more general skepticism…
111 Yale L.J. 151 (2001) In an essay published in this Journal entitled Is There a Design Defect in the Restatement (Third) of Torts: Products Liability?, George Conk criticizes the American Law Institute and the Reporters of the new Restatement for immunizing prescription drug manufacturers from lia…
110 Yale L.J. 1407 (2001) Shortly after the Supreme Court's 5-4 decision in Bush v. Gore, one member of the majority, Associate Justice Clarence Thomas, addressed a group of students in the Washington, D.C., area. He told them that he believed that the work of the Court was not in any way influenced…
110 Yale L.J. 1187 (2001) Narrowly construed, Pennhurst is a sensible (even if not necessary) process-based limitation on Congress's power to bind states to costly burdens. If read to mean that a state can never be bound by a grant condition when the statute itself does not unmistakably speak to a pa…
110 Yale L.J. 785 (2001)
110 Yale L.J. 441 (2000) Last Term, the Supreme Court sent ominous signals about the future of federal antidiscrimination law. The Court twice ruled that Congress lacked power under Section 5 of the Fourteenth Amendment to enact laws prohibiting discrimination. In Kimel v. Florida Board of Regents, …
110 Yale L.J. 259 (2000) This Essay has attempted to clarify and reconceptualize constitutional tort law. Current doctrine severs remedies from rights and authorizes money damages on terms that apply indifferently to all constitutional violations. This remedial uniformity is faithful to the Monroe mo…
110 Yale L.J. 71 (2000) In this Essay, I have discussed the phenomenon of group polarization and explored some of its implications for deliberation generally and deliberative democracy in particular. The central empirical finding is that group discussion is likely to shift judgments toward a more ext…
Announcing the eighth annual student essay competition, announcing the ylj academic summer grants program, featured content, lock them™ up: holding transnational corporate human-rights abusers accountable, administrative law at a turning point, law and movements: clinical perspectives.
If there is no constraint on a ruler’s power, then he can make whatever rules he pleases and not obey the rules he makes. He can also change the rules whenever he wants. If he doesn’t like someone who owns a business, he can make that business illegal, or create a regulation that he knows will bankrupt it. If he doesn’t like what people say about him, he can make criticism of him illegal. He has total power to punish anyone he wants and to exempt his friends from laws that others must obey.
When government officials can make any laws they please—and hold themselves above the law—there is less economic growth, less creativity, and less happiness. Entrepreneurs will not be willing to risk time and money starting businesses. Writers and speakers will restrain their words. Everyone will worry that his freedoms can be destroyed at the whim of a powerful government agent.
A government with unpredictable and arbitrary laws, wrote Madison, “poisons the blessings of liberty itself” (James Madison, Federalist No. 62, 1788).
George Washington is depicted addressing the Constitutional Convention of 1787 in this painting by Junius Brutus Stearns.
The many benefits of freedom we take for granted in the United States—to speak our minds, to gather with whom we please, to practice our religions or refrain from practicing a religion, and to build businesses—are protected because we live under the rule of law. This means that we are governed not by officials who can make any rules they want, but by laws that are difficult to change (and therefore stable), limited in scope, and applied to every citizen—including the people who make them. The rule of law means, as John Adams explained in the Massachusetts Constitution, “a government of laws and not of men.”
Of course, Adams knew that laws are made by someone. His point was that they should be consistent, just, and applied to everyone equally. Instead of having a king pass down edicts, the American Founders established a system in which our elected representatives make laws within the boundaries laid down by the Constitution and designed to serve, as the preamble to the Constitution makes clear, “the general welfare” of society.
United States Supreme Court Building
While kings often made rules designed to tell people what to do, a rule of law is more about crafting clear, simple, fair rules, and giving citizens the maximum possible freedom to decide for themselves how to live their lives. The Founders understood that the pursuit of happiness was a path of discovery, invention, and hard work that cannot be followed when government is constantly telling us what we may or may not do.
The Founders also understood that the rule of law is essential to protecting minority rights. Remember that they feared not just cruel kings, but tyrannical majorities that might be convinced to take away the liberty of people they dislike because of their race or wealth or religion. The rule of law insures that laws are not designed to target certain groups. Even if the majority of voters decided, for example, to make Muslims pay higher taxes, the Constitution (and the principle of the rule of law that it reflects) forbids singling out a minority group in this way.
Not only did the Founders establish a rule of law by limiting the power of government to make laws and guaranteeing that our rights are protected when laws are written, they also insured that laws will be made in the open, according to clear rules.
In Article I, Section 7 of the Constitution, for example, they required that any federal tax law must be written in the House of Representatives, whose short terms of office make them especially accountable to voters.
The Founders also crafted rules designed to slow the production of laws. While modern-day critics sometimes complain that it takes our government too long to act, this is exactly what the Founders had in mind. They feared what would happen if government officials were too quick to respond to temporary passions or could change rules with great speed.
This is the Old Senate Chambers in the United States Capitol. It is now only used for tours and ceremonies.
“It will be of little avail to the people,” Madison argued, “that the laws are made by men of their own choice, if the laws be so voluminous that they cannot be read, or so incoherent that they cannot be understood…or undergo such incessant changes, that no man who knows What the law is today, can guess what it will be tomorrow” (James Madison, Federalist No. 62, 1788).
As with every part of the Constitution, the Founders understood that words on paper only have so much power. They knew that ultimately the rule of law depends on people with the courage, self-reliance, and wisdom to make prudent decisions, and who have enough tolerance for others to let them live as they see fit.
The benefits of freedom are safest when officials cannot make arbitrary and unpredictable laws. The rule of law means that laws are stable, limited in scope, and applied to every citizen, including those who make them. Laws must be created in the open, according to clear rules, and must reflect the consent of the governed. Ultimately, the rule of law depends on people with the courage, self-reliance, and wisdom to make prudent decisions, and who have enough tolerance for others to let them live as they see fit.
Voluntary prosecution and the case of animal rescue.
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Society is a ‘web-relationship’ and social change clearly implies an adjustment in the arrangement of social relationship where a social relationship is comprehended regarding social procedures and social associations.
Along these lines, the term, ‘social change’ is utilized to show alluring varieties in social foundation, social procedures and social association.
It incorporates modifications in the structure and elements of the general public. Nearer examination of the part of law opposite social change drives us to recognize the direct and the roundabout parts of the part of law.
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Law plays a specialist of modernization and social change. It is likewise a marker of the idea of societal many-sided quality and its specialist issues of combination.
Further, the fortification of our faith in the deep-rooted panchayat framework, the cancellation of the ab horrible practices of untouchability, kid marriage, sati, share and so forth are run of the mill representations of social change being achieved in the nation trough laws.
Law is a compelling medium or organization, instrumental in realizing social change in the nation or in any locale specifically. Along these lines, we revive our conviction that law has been significant in presenting changes in the societal structure and connections and keeps on being so.
Law positively has gone about as an impetus during the time spent social change of individuals wherein the weakening of station imbalances, defensive measures for the powerless and defenseless segments, accommodating the noble presence of those living under unwholesome conditions and so forth are the celebrated cases in such manner.
Social change includes an adjustment of society; its financial structure, qualities and convictions, and its monetary, political and social measurements additionally experience alteration. Notwithstanding, social change does not influence all parts of society in a similar way.
While a lot of social change is achieved by material changes, for example, innovation, new examples of creation, and so forth., different conditions are likewise vital.
For instance, as we have talked about it sometime recently, legitimate disallowance of untouchability in free India has not succeeded as a result of insufficient social help.
In any case, when law can’t achieve change without social help, despite everything it can make certain preconditions for social change.
Also, after freedom, the Constitution of India gave extensive rules to change. Its order guideline proposed a plan for another country.
The de-acknowledgment of the rank framework, correspondence under the watchful eye of the law and equivalent open doors for all in monetary, political and social circles were a portion of the high purposes of the Indian Constitution.
The law is imperative for a general public for it fills in as a standard of direct for subjects. It was additionally made to accommodate appropriate rules and request upon the conduct for all nationals and to manage the value on the three branches of the administration.
It keeps the general public running. Without law there would be disorder and it would be survival of the fittest and every man for himself. Not a perfect way of life for generally part.
The law is important because it acts as a guideline as to what is accepted in society. Without it there would be conflicts between social groups and communities.
It is pivotal that we follow them. The law allows for easy adoption to changes that occur in the society
Law is an arrangement of standards and rules which are upheld through social foundations to represent conduct, wherever conceivable.
It shapes legislative issues, financial matters and society from multiple points of view and fills in as a social middle person of relations between individuals.
On the off chance that the mischief is criminalized in enactment, criminal law offers implies by which the state can indict the culprit.
Established law gives a structure to the making of law, the insurance of human rights and the decision of political delegates.
Authoritative law is utilized to audit the choices of government organizations, while universal law oversees issues between sovereign states in exercises extending from exchange to ecological direction or military activity.
The legitimate reaction to a given social or innovative issue is along these lines in itself a noteworthy social activity which may bother a given issue or ease and help to illuminate it.
Scholars have generally kept up that there are sure wide perspectives on the substantive criminal law. One arrangement of such imperatives concerns the sorts of conduct that may genuinely be disallowed.
Is it appropriate, for instance, to criminalize a specific sort of activity in light of the fact that a great many people in a single’s general public see it as shameless?
The other arrangement of limitations which concern what is required keeping in mind the end goal to build up criminal duty that is obligation, autonomously of the substance of the specific statute whose infringement is being referred to.
Legitimate framework mirrors all the vitality of life inside in any general public. Law has the unpredictable essentially of a living being. We can state that law is a sociology portrayed by development and adjustment.
Tenets are neither made nor connected in a vacuum, then again, they made and utilized on numerous occasions for a reason. Tenets are expected to move us in a specific course that we accept is great, or deny development in bearing that we accept is terrible.
The social tenets are made by the individuals from the general public. Insubordination of the social guidelines is trailed by discipline of social objection. There is no positive punishment related with the infringement of tenets aside from banning or shunning.
Then again, law is authorized by the state. The target of law is to get arrange the general public so the individuals from society can advance and create with a type of security in regards to what’s to come.
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Potential career paths and salaries, personal factors to consider, is law school worth it an honest look at the pros and cons.
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It's no secret that law school can be pricey. But is that price tag worth it for the earning potential you could enjoy later on? That's a question many potential law school students have to ask themselves.
According to the Access Lex Institute and a US Department of Education study of 2008 graduates, only 48% say their degree was worth the cost. Are you considering a legal career? Here's how to determine if law school is worth it for you.
Average full-time tuition for law school depends on your residency status (whether you're attending an in-state school or out-of-state one), as well as the type of school you attend.
According to data and analysis from the American Bar Association and Access Lex, the average full-time tuition is:
That's just tuition, though.
There are other costs to consider, too, including housing and living expenses. These vary widely by location. From fall 2022 to spring 2023, they ranged from $12,600 to $46,233, depending on the school attended.
Opportunity cost is another consideration. Since law students must spend an additional three years in school, their earning potential during that period is much lower than their peers. The average starting salary in 2022 for a graduate with a bachelor's degree was $60,028, according to the National Association of Colleges and Employers. That amounts to a three-year loss exceeding $180,000 for a law school student.
With such high prices to deal with, law school students often graduate with large amounts of debt. According to an Access Lex analysis, law school graduates leave school with an average of $126,600 in debt.
The earning potential for a lawyer depends widely on what you do with your degree. For recent Juris Doctorate graduates, those going into private legal practice made the most, with a median salary of $131,500. Lawyers who went into academics made the least money. The median academic salary for someone with a Juris Doctorate is $38,000.
Salaries also vary by type of legal practice. See below for a list of common attorney specialties and their average salary ranges, according to job platform Indeed:
|
|
Patent law | $143,492 |
Corporate law | $137,364 |
Tax law | $134,322 |
Family law | $128,809 |
Bankruptcy law | $125,048 |
Intellectual property law | $119,583 |
Real estate law | $105,938 |
Civil litigation | $101,177 |
Personal injury law | $89,686 |
Employment law | $83,580 |
Immigration law | $67,296 |
The amount of time you've been working and the size of your firm matter, too. Salaries tend to increase both with tenure and with firm size. For example, a first-year associate at a firm of 100 or fewer has a median salary of $155,000. For eight-year associates at firms of 1,000 or more, it's $395,000.
"Big corporate law firms pay the most — well in the six digits, with excellent benefits," says Marina Shepelsky, founder of Shepelsky Law Group . "Working for a municipal legal aide organization or the district attorney's office may pay only in the five digits."
Many lawyers don't go into legal practice at all. Recent data shows about a third of recent law school graduates went into business, academics, or government work.
If you'll need student loans, calculating your potential salary-to-debt ratio can help you determine whether law school in general or, more specifically, a particular law school, is worth the cost of attendance.
Salary-to-debt ratios indicate what percentage of your expected monthly earnings you'll owe each month in student loan payments. So, lower ratios are typically better, indicating you'll need to devote a smaller amount of your pay to student loans. Higher ratios mean the opposite.
According to an analysis by Law School Transparency, salary-to-debt ratios range from 0.76% to just over 4.95% for US law schools. The school with the highest salary-to-debt ratio is the Florida Coastal School of Law, while Brigham Young University claims the lowest.
The decision to attend law school shouldn't just be financially driven. You'll also want to consider the high dropout rates of law school, particularly among minorities. Overall, dropout rates are over 6% for first-year students. For American Indian, Hawaiian native, and Black students, the dropout rate is 11% to 13%.
Burnout is also a potential problem when going into the legal industry. Some legal jobs come with long hours and stressful working conditions, which could lead to health issues. As Shepelsky notes about "big corporate" firms, "They provide no work-life balance, and you are expected to work 14 hours a day or more, work through holidays and evenings, and are under tremendous stress and huge competition to make partner."
According to the International Bar Association, lawyers have an average score of 51 on the World Health Organization's Wellbeing Index. Anyone with a score of 52 or under is encouraged to seek mental health help.
The job market is competitive, but strong grades, networking, and specialized skills can help make the job search easier.
The average lawyer salary varies widely by location, firm size, and specialty. According to Indeed.com , the average salary for a lawyer in New York City is $132,066, while the average salary for a lawyer in Oklahoma City is $84,194.
The skills learned can be valuable in other careers. If you can afford it and have an interest in studying law, it could be worth it.
Avnet law is proud to offer a $1,000 scholarship to students demonstrating community involvement. see below for eligibility and submission requirements..
Avnet Law knows how important education is in laying the foundation for a successful career – we also understand that it may not be financially feasible for students and their families. For this reason, Avnet Law is proud to offer the annual $1,000.00 Avnet Law National Scholarship.
Avnet Law is dedicated improving and lifting up our community—and recognizing those who do the same. Our goal is to help all people have equal access to education and civic involvement, especially those with a spirit of volunteerism and community service. We believe that those who demonstrate the commitment and spirit of community service, possess the characteristics of future leaders. It is for this reason that we are pleased to announce our Avnet Law National Scholarship. This $1,000 scholarship is offered to support a community-minded college or graduate student whose has demonstrated a history of community service and involvement.
The Avnet Law National Scholarship is a $1,000 grant to a single student. We look forward to making this investment in our shared future, and we encourage all eligible individuals to apply.
In order to be eligible for the the avnet law 2024 national scholarship, applicants must:.
In order to be apply for the the avnet law 2024 national scholarship, applicants must submit:.
Completed materials (scanned into .PDF format) can ONLY be submitted by the following method:
Please NO phone calls . Direct all questions via email to [email protected] .
The scholarship must be applied to tuition and other education-related expenses. A check will be made payable to the scholarship recipient’s educational institution directly. Any scholarship winners are expected to submit any receipts to remain in compliance with the IRS.
Congratulations to our 2019 recipient: Kailen Flynn .
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Avnet Law is a Noblesville, Indiana law firm that practices in the areas of personal injury law, criminal law , expungement , and family law . We understand the emotional and financial stress that a car accident or truck accident in the family can place on you and your loved ones. If you or a loved one has been injured, please call 1-877-77-AVNET for a free consultation with an Indiana truck accident attorney .
I n H.G. Wells’ science-fiction classic The War of the Worlds , aliens from Mars invade Earth. The military resists, but human technology is no match for Martian tripods and death rays. Within weeks, the aliens have routed the defenders and seem poised to conquer the planet. And then, mysteriously, they die. It turns out they had no resistance to the ubiquitous bacteria of our world. They were slain, Wells writes, “after all man’s devices had failed, by the humblest things that God, in his wisdom, has put upon this earth.”
That’s what came to mind when I heard that a New York jury had convicted Donald Trump of 34 felonies. What seemed like an unstoppable force was brought low by the humblest of state laws. And while 34 felony convictions may in fact not stop Trump, the trial does tell us something important about the strengths and weaknesses of America’s constitutional structure.
Read More: Trump Is Now a Felon. What Voters Do With That Information Will Write This Era’s History
Back in 2016, some people hoped the Electoral College would stop Trump. Hamilton Electors , they were called. Didn’t happen. Then impeachment was going to do it, not once, but twice. Again, no dice. And finally, Section 3 of the 14th Amendment, written to protect us from oath-breaking insurrectionists, came riding to the rescue only to be rejected by a unanimous vote of the Supreme Court.
These attempts to stop Trump all had a couple of things in common. The first is that they used the tools that the Constitution gives us to prevent bad people from occupying the office of the President. These tools are the heavy artillery, the sophisticated devices painstakingly crafted to protect us from crooks, demagogues, and would-be tyrants. The second is that they all failed—ignominiously.
That’s not because they weren’t built correctly or designed for these circumstances. Historians and constitutional scholars who weighed in on Section 3 and the impeachment tended to agree that Trump presented exactly the threat they were to counter. (The Hamilton electors scheme was a bit more fringe, but some experts supported it too.) The problem is that safeguards built into the political system are only as good as the politicians who apply them. The Constitution is no better than the Court that interprets it. The black smoke of partisanship and self-interest (perhaps all too similar to Wells’ War of the Worlds ) only has to corrupt a few of the governing elite for our constitutional defenses to fail.
Trump benefited from that failure, but he didn’t cause it. Our constitutional system did. The electoral college, gave us Trump as President even though nearly 3 million more Americans chose Hillary Clinton. The Senate didn’t just refuse to convict in the Trump impeachments; it blocked Obama’s nomination of Merrick Garland and gave us the Trump supermajority Supreme Court. And if you think the Supreme Court is a defender of democracy, think again. Our noble Senate, our hallowed Supreme Court, our sacred Constitution—none of these things protected us from Trump. On the whole, they enabled him.
The reason Trump was finally held accountable was not that he ran afoul of the special rules that govern the highest reaches of our political system, the sorts of things that ordinary Americans are not subject to. (Ordinary citizens, for example, don’t have to worry about impeachment, or section three, or faithless electors.) It was not that the enlightened members of our government stood up against him. It was, however, that he couldn’t handle the obligations that law-abiding citizens shoulder as a matter of course in their day-to-day lives. It was that 12 ordinary Americans in an unglamorous trial courtroom ruled that he had broken the laws that everyone else has to follow.
We often think of our system of governance as defined by things the Constitution creates, structures like the Senate, the Supreme Court, or the electoral college, and processes like impeachment. But the negative space matters too—and that is the background of state law. State law, not federal law or the Constitution, is the primary regulator for most Americans. State law creates the environment in which we all live; it is, you could say, in the air we breathe.
When campaigning for the Republican nomination in 2016, Trump said that he could shoot someone in the middle of Fifth Avenue and not lose any votes. Not for the shooting, maybe. But most people would go to jail for that, and it’s possible that 34 felony counts will drive home a point that some have missed. Most Americans are not involved in more than 4,000 lawsuits . They do not overstate their net worth, market questionable training programs as their own university , or run businesses that engage in tax fraud . That the most ordinary of laws finally caught up to Trump may drive home how distant the divide is between him and the regular Americans he claims to champion. State law that applies equally to all did what the special rules of the Constitution could not.
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It should be obvious that government officials can’t deploy their regulatory authority to punish an advocacy group because they disagree with its point of view. Yet that is exactly what Gov. Andrew Cuomo (D-NY) and his chief financial regulator, Maria Vullo, set out to do in 2018.
They favored gun control, and therefore disfavored the National Rifle Association. Cuomo and Vullo were of course free to criticize the NRA. But rather than just rely on the persuasive force of their ideas, they deployed the coercive power of their offices to pressure banks and insurance companies to cut ties with the NRA, as alleged.
On May 30, the US Supreme Court in effect confirmed what should have been obvious, unanimously ruling that Vullo’s and Cuomo’s alleged words and actions stated a claim under the First Amendment. In doing so, the court overturned a unanimous decision from the Second Circuit against the NRA. The decision makes no new law, but reaffirms what’s been established since the Supreme Court announced, 60 years ago, that government officials can’t use informal coercion to punish speech they disfavor.
The critical facts alleged in NRA v. Vullo are stark. In February 2018, Vullo, New York’s top financial regulator, with direct oversight of every bank and insurance company in the state, told Lloyd’s, the insurance underwriter, that she’d go easy on unrelated insurance violations if it aided her campaign to weaken the NRA by halting all business with the group. Lloyd’s agreed, and did her bidding.
Six weeks later, Vullo issued formal guidance letters and a press release directing the thousands of banks and insurance companies she oversees to cut their ties with the NRA—not because of any alleged improprieties, but because it “promotes guns.” In the accompanying press release, Cuomo said he directed Vullo to issue the guidance because doing business with the NRA “sends the wrong message.”
This was not about enforcing insurance law; it was about using state power to coerce a boycott of a political group because the state’s highest officials disapproved of its speech. As Cuomo put it in a tweet responding to the NRA’s subsequent lawsuit, “The regulations NY put in place are working. We’re forcing the NRA into financial jeopardy. We won’t stop until we shut them down.”
Had the court accepted Vullo’s argument that this was merely “government speech” and ordinary law enforcement, as the US Court of Appeals for the Second Circuit did, the decision would have provided a playbook for state officials across the country to blacklist whichever groups they disfavor.
That’s why the American Civil Liberties Union agreed to represent the NRA in the Supreme Court. The ACLU disagrees profoundly with the NRA on many issues of law and policy, but we agree that government officials can’t punish advocacy groups simply because they disagree with what they say.
The court’s unanimous decision ensures that officials can’t achieve indirectly what they are barred from achieving directly: punishing speech simply because they disagree with its message. That principle is foundational to a free and democratic society. And the Vullo decision ensures that the First Amendment’s protection extends not just to direct penalties, but to the sorts of end runs that Vullo and Cuomo attempted in targeting the NRA.
The case is NRA v. Vullo , US, No. 22-842, 5/30/24.
This article does not necessarily reflect the opinion of Bloomberg Industry Group, Inc., the publisher of Bloomberg Law and Bloomberg Tax, or its owners.
David Cole is national legal director of the ACLU and professor at Georgetown Law. The ACLU represented the NRA in NRA v. Vullo , and Cole argued the case before the Supreme Court.
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To contact the editors responsible for this story: Alison Lake at [email protected] ; Jessie Kokrda Kamens at [email protected]
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Whether you're writing a compelling "why study law" essay for your law school application, preparing for an interview, or outlining your motivations for legal internships, this article provides great insights and guidance. ... Explore the motivations and benefits of studying law with updated a piece of practical advice and in-depth ...
For instance, if the law school has a special program where you can work directly with clients, and this lines up with your goal of getting hands-on legal experience, make sure to highlight this. The goal is to show a sincere and careful tie to the institution. 3. Create a Logical Flow.
The result is an essay that provides two specific details: first, a concrete event that demonstrates her exposure to law, and second, a distinct field of law for which she has special qualifications to pursue. This essay focuses even more explicitly on the role that law and lawyers have played in the applicant's life.
L. aws are rules that bind all people living in a community. Laws protect our general safety, and ensure our rights as citizens against abuses by other people, by organizations, and by the government itself. We have laws to help provide for our general safety. These exist at the local, state and national levels, and include things like:
Essay Outline 3 Conceptions of the Rule of Law ... where the entitlement to benefits of an asylum seeker was upheld is particularly instructive in demonstrating the application of legal certainty where it was thought that a constitutional state "must accord to individuals the right to know of a decision before their rights can be adversely ...
A law degree trains students to talk about Law simply and effectively, without the stereotypes of legal language. Just as law involves distinctive ways of thinking, it also involves a distinctive vocabulary - a new language. Students learn this language alongside their peers, who are also struggling with its forms and subtleties.
Development of self-confidence. Studying law is an empowering experience. Law students often work in groups and actively participate in debates or discussions, such environments nurture good self-esteem and confidence. 9. Better communication skills and high adaptability towards various career transitions.
Restate key supporting arguments. The final stage of creating the plan of your law essay is to pick 2 to 3 key supporting arguments which you discussed in the main body of your paper and outline them again. This time, however, you will not be getting into a detailed discussion of how case law or statute sections justify your supporting arguments.
This Essay seeks to recover the deeply rooted connection between U.S. banking law and antitrust. It reconceptualizes banking law as a sector-specific antimonopoly regime that imposes multiple structural constraints on publicly subsidized banks' ability to abuse their power over the supply and alloca…
Here are some practical and practical tips for planning a one good law essay. Highlight specific words and phrases in the essay's title. Take a brain dump for the words that you have highlighted and note them down. Find a connection between these phrases and words. Develop a strategy to come up with your answer basedon these phrases.
Why Columbia Law School? Learn to think like a lawyer. Immerse yourself in an intellectually challenging environment, leverage the benefits of a world-class faculty and university, and learn to think critically about the law, its evolution, and its impact on society. Columbia Law students are independent, active, open-minded, and eager to take ...
The benefits of freedom are safest when officials cannot make arbitrary and unpredictable laws. The rule of law means that laws are stable, limited in scope, and applied to every citizen, including those who make them. Laws must be created in the open, according to clear rules, and must reflect the consent of the governed.
This resource will focus on theoretical based law essays. There are a number of strategies that may help you in starting, structuring and presenting a law essay. 1. Starting your answer. The first step to a successful law essay is understanding the question. One of the most effective ways of breaking down the question is to identify the ...
Voluntary Prosecution and the Case of Animal Rescue. Vol. 137 No. 4 February 2024 On October 3, 2022, two animal rights activists — one of whom, Wayne Hsiung, is an author of this Essay — faced a felony trial and up to... Justin Marceau. Wayne Hsiung. Steffen Seitz.
The example law essays below were written by students to help you with your own studies. If you are looking for help with your law essay then we offer a comprehensive writing service provided by fully qualified academics in your field of study. Law Essay Writing Service.
Benefits of the Salomon principle. The case of Salomon v A Salomon & Co Limited [ 1] not to be confused with Salomon Grundy , herewith, the case would be referred as 'Salomon' instead. And, the facts of the case would be considered, in brief, as follows. However, assuming first that and The Hulk were to compete in who would be the strongest ...
Definition of Employee Benefits. According from the Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia, it explained especially in British English employee benefits and benefits in kind (also called fringe benefits, perquisites, perqs or perks) are various non-wage compensations provided to employees in addition to their normal wages or salaries.
a) Law assumes a vital roundabout part as to social change by forming an immediate effect on society. For instance: A law setting up a necessary instructive framework. b) Then again, law cooperates as a rule in a roundabout way with fundamental social foundations in a way constituting an immediate connection amongst law and social change.
This translation of The Law was done by Dean Russell of The Foundation staff. His objective was an accurate rendering of Mr. Bastiat's words and ideas into twentieth century, idiomatic English. A nineteenth century translation of The Law, made in 1853 in England by an unidentified contemporary of Mr. Bastiat, was of much value as a check against this translation.
A law-abiding citizen is an essential pillar of a just and orderly society. The commitment to obeying laws and regulations demonstrates a respect for the social contract that binds individuals together. Laws serve as a framework that safeguards rights, maintains order, and ensures the protection of vulnerable members of the community.
Immigration law. $67,296. The amount of time you've been working and the size of your firm matter, too. Salaries tend to increase both with tenure and with firm size. For example, a first-year ...
As a law student, you can expect to spend at least three years in law school. Full-time students typically complete their studies within three years, while part-time students take up to five years. However, there are several factors that can shorten or lengthen this timeline, such as the time it takes to study for and pass the Law School ...
Supreme Court of the United States
Footnotes Jump to essay-1 Articles of Confederation and Perpetual Union (1777); but see Vasan Kesavan, When Did the Articles of Confederation Cease to be Law?, 78 Notre Dame L. Rev. 35, 44 (2002) (discussing academic arguments over whether the Articles of Confederation cease[d] to be law when the Constitution was ratified in the early summer of 1788, or when a new Congress and President ...
The Avnet Law National Scholarship is available for any current or soon-to-be undergrad or graduate student who demonstrates a spirit of volunteerism and/or community service. ... Applicants must submit a 1,000 word-max typed essay on the benefits of community service. Where to Submit: ... we will review the essays and choose a winner by August ...
Unfortunately, bankruptcy has a rocky track record in delivering its hoped-for financial benefits. While Manville lived on, the trust created by its bankruptcy swiftly ran out of money and slashed ...
Roosevelt is a professor of constitutional law at the University of Pennsylvania Carey School of Law and the author of The Nation that Never Was: Reconstructing America's Story. In H.G. Wells ...
Content relating to: "UK Law" UK law covers the laws and legislation of England, Wales, Northern Ireland and Scotland. Essays, case summaries, problem questions and dissertations here are relevant to law students from the United Kingdom and Great Britain, as well as students wishing to learn more about the UK legal system from overseas.
Despite the plethora of optimistic projections on the live music industry, a perilous threat looms over it—the lack of a federal law on crowd management. 37 percent of the crowd-related injuries in concerts around the world takes place in the U.S. 5 The latest tragedy at Astroworld Festival needs no reminding—the shock is still fresh. Although sometimes interchangeably used, crowd control ...
On May 30, the US Supreme Court in effect confirmed what should have been obvious, unanimously ruling that Vullo's and Cuomo's alleged words and actions stated a claim under the First Amendment. In doing so, the court overturned a unanimous decision from the Second Circuit against the NRA. The decision makes no new law, but reaffirms what ...