where to do homework during covid

What the Covid-19 Pandemic Revealed About Remote School

The unplanned experiment provided clear lessons on the value—and limitations—of online learning. Are educators listening?

Katherine Reynolds Lewis, Undark Magazine

Student takes part in remote distance learning

The transition to online learning in the United States during the Covid-19 pandemic was, by many accounts, a failure. While there were some bright spots across the country, the transition was messy and uneven — countless teachers had neither the materials nor training they needed to effectively connect with students remotely, while many of those students were bored , isolated, and lacked the resources they needed to learn. The results were abysmal: low test scores, fewer children learning at grade level, increased inequity, and teacher burnout. With the public health crisis on top of deaths and job losses in many families, students experienced increases in depression, anxiety, and suicide risk.

Yet society very well may face new widespread calamities in the near future, from another pandemic to extreme weather, that will require a similarly quick shift to remote school. Success will hinge on big changes, from infrastructure to teacher training, several experts told Undark. “We absolutely need to invest in ways for schools to run continuously, to pick up where they left off. But man, it’s a tall order,” said Heather L. Schwartz, a senior policy researcher at RAND. “It’s not good enough for teachers to simply refer students to disconnected, stand-alone videos on, say, YouTube. Students need lessons that connect directly to what they were learning before school closed.”

More than three years after U.S. schools shifted to remote instruction on an emergency basis, the education sector is still largely unprepared for another long-term interruption of in-person school. The stakes are highest for those who need it most: low-income children and students of color, who are also most likely to be harmed in a future pandemic or live in communities most affected by climate change. But, given the abundance of research on what didn’t work during the pandemic, school leaders may have the opportunity to do things differently next time. Being ready would require strategic planning, rethinking the role of the teacher, and using new technology wisely, experts told Undark. And many problems with remote learning actually trace back not to technology, but to basic instructional quality. Effective remote learning won’t happen if schools aren’t already employing best practices in the physical classroom, such as creating a culture of learning from mistakes, empowering teachers to meet individual student needs, establishing high expectations, and setting clear goals supported by frequent feedback. While it’s ambitious to envision that every school district will create seamless virtual learning platforms — and, for that matter, overcome challenges in education more broadly — the lessons of the pandemic are there to be followed or ignored.

“We haven’t done anywhere near the amount of planning or the development of the instructional infrastructure needed to allow for a smooth transition next time schools need to close for prolonged periods of time,” Schwartz said. “Until we can reach that goal, I don’t have high confidence that the next prolonged school closure will be substantially more successful.”

Before the pandemic, only 3 percent of U.S. school districts offered virtual school, mostly for students with unique circumstances, such as a disability or those intensely pursuing a sport or the performing arts, according to a RAND survey Schwartz co-authored. For the most part, the educational technology companies and developers creating software for these schools promised to give students a personalized experience. But the research on these programs, which focused on virtual charter schools that only existed online, showed poor outcomes . Their students were a year behind in math and nearly a half-year behind in reading, and courses offered less direct time with a teacher each week than regular schools have in a day.

The pandemic sparked growth in stand-alone virtual academies, in addition to the emergency remote learning that districts had to adopt in March 2020. Educators’ interest in online instructional materials exploded, too, according to Schwartz, “and it really put the foot on the gas to ramp them up, expand them, and in theory, improve them.” By June 2021, the number of school districts with a stand-alone virtual school rose to 26 percent. Of the remaining districts, another 23 percent were interested in offering an online school, the report found.

But the sheer magnitude of options for online learning didn’t necessarily mean it worked well, Schwartz said: “It’s the quality part that has to come up in order for this to be a really good, viable alternative to in person instruction.” And individualized, self-directed online learning proved to be a pipe dream — especially for younger children who needed support from a parent or other family member even to get online, much less stay focused.

“The notion that students would have personalized playlists and could curate their own education was proven to be problematic on a couple levels, especially for younger and less affluent students,” said Thomas Toch, director of FutureEd, an education think tank at Georgetown University’s McCourt School of Public Policy. “The social and emotional toll that isolation and those traumas took on students suggest that the social dimension of schooling is hugely important and was greatly undervalued, especially by proponents for an increased role of technology.”

Students also often didn’t have the materials they needed for online school, some lacking computers or internet access at home. Teachers didn’t have the right training for online instruction , which has a unique pedagogy and best practices. As a result, many virtual classrooms attempted to replicate the same lessons over video that would’ve been delivered at school. The results were overwhelmingly bad, research shows. For example, a 2022 study found six consistent themes about how the pandemic affected learning, including a lack of interaction between students and with teachers, and disproportionate harm to low-income students. Numb from isolation and too many hours in front of a screen, students failed to engage in coursework and suffered emotionally .

student is assisted by her mom in online learning while her sister works nearby

After some districts resumed in-person or hybrid instruction in the 2020 fall semester, it became clear that the longer students were remote, the worse their learning delays . For example, national standardized test scores for the 2020-2021 school year showed that passing rates for math declined about 14 percentage points on average, more than three times the drop seen in districts that returned to in-person instruction the earliest, according to a 2021 National Bureau of Economic Research study . Even after most U.S. districts resumed in-person instruction, students who had been online the longest continued to lag behind their peers. The pandemic hit cities hardest and the effects disproportionately harmed low-income children and students of color in urban areas.

“What we did during the pandemic is not the optimal use of online learning in education for the future,” said Ashley Jochim, a researcher at the Center on Reinventing Public Education at Arizona State University’s Mary Lou Fulton Teachers College. “Online learning is not a full stop substitute for what kids need to thrive and be supported at school.”

Children also largely prefer in-person school. A 2022 Pew Research Center survey suggested that 65 percent of students would rather be in a classroom, 9 percent would opt for online only, and the rest are unsure or prefer a hybrid model. “For most families and kids, full-time online school is actually not the educational solution they want,” Jochim said.

Virtual school felt meaningless to Abner Magdaleno, a 12th grader in Los Angeles. “I couldn’t really connect with it, because I’m more of, like, a social person. And that was stripped away from me when we went online,” recalled Magdaleno. Mackenzie Sheehy, 19, of Fond du Lac, Wisconsin, found there were too many distractions at home to learn. Her grades suffered, and she missed the one-on-one time with teachers. (Sheehy graduated from high school in 2022.)

Many teachers feel the same way. “Nothing replaces physical proximity, whatever the age,” said Ana Silva, a New York City English teacher. She enjoyed experimenting with interactive technology during online school, but is grateful to be back in person. “I like the casual way kids can come to my desk and see me. I like the dynamism — seeing kids in the cafeteria. Those interactions are really positive, and they were entirely missing during the online learning.”

During the 2022-2023 school year, many districts initially planned to continue online courses for snow days and other building closures. But they found that the teacher instruction, student experience, and demands on families were simply too different for in-person versus remote school, said Liz Kolb, an associate professor in the School of Education at the University of Michigan. “Schools are moving away from that because it’s too difficult to quickly transition and blend back and forth among the two without having strong structures in place,” Kolb said. “Most schools don’t have those strong structures.”

In addition, both families and educators grew sick of their screens. “They’re trying to avoid technology a little bit. There’s this fatigue coming out of remote learning and the pandemic,” said Mingyu Feng, a research director at WestEd, a nonprofit research agency. “If the students are on Zoom every day for like, six hours, that seems to be not quite right.”

Despite the bumpy pandemic rollout, online school can serve an important role in the U.S. education system. For one, online learning is a better alternative for some students. Garvey Mortley, 15, of Bethesda, Maryland, and her two sisters all switched to their district’s virtual academy during the pandemic to protect their own health and their grandmother’s. This year, Mortley’s sisters went back to in-person school, but she chose to stay online. “I love the flexibility about it,” she said, noting that some of her classmates prefer it because they have a disability or have demanding schedules. “I love how I can just roll out of bed in the morning, and I can sit down and do school.” Some educators also prefer teaching online, according to reports of virtual schools that were inundated with applications from teachers because they wanted to keep working from home . Silva, the New York high school English teacher, enjoys online tutoring and academic coaching, because it facilitates one-on-one interaction.

And in rural districts and those with low enrollment, some access to online learning ensures students can take courses that could otherwise be inaccessible. “Because of the economies of scale in small rural districts, they needed to tap into online and shared service delivery arrangements in order to provide a full complement of coursework at the high school level,” said Jochim. Innovation in these districts, she added, will accelerate: “We’ll continue to see growth, scalability, and improvement in quality.”

There were also some schools that were largely successful at switching to online at the start of the pandemic, such as Vista Unified School District in California, which pooled and shared innovative ideas for adapting in March 2020; the school quickly put together an online portal so that principals and teachers could share ideas and the district could allot the necessary resources. Digging into examples like this could point the way to the future of online learning, said Chelsea Waite, a senior researcher at the Center on Reinventing Public Education, who was part of a collaborative project studying 70 schools and districts that pivoted successfully to online learning. The project found three factors that made the transition work: a focus on resilience, collaboration, and autonomy for both students and educators; a healthy culture that prioritized relationships; and strong yet flexible systems that were accustomed to adaptation.

Teacher in Boston participates in online learning during the covid-19 pandemic

“We investigated schools that did seem to be more prepared for the Covid disruption, not just with having devices in students’ hands or having an online curriculum already, but with a learning culture in the school that really prioritized agency and problem solving as skills for students and adults,” Waite said. “In these schools, kids are learning from a very young age to be a little bit more self-directed, to set goals, and pursue them and pivot when they need to.”

Similarly, many of the takeaways from the pandemic trace back to the basics of effective education, not technological innovation. A landmark report by the National Academies of Sciences called “How People Learn,” most recently updated in 2018, synthesized the body of educational research and identified four key features in the most successful learning environments. First, these schools are designed for, and adapt to, the specific students, building on what they bring to the classroom, such as skills and beliefs. Second, successful schools give their students clear goals, showing them what they need to learn and how they can get there. Third, they provide in-the-moment feedback that emphasizes understanding, not memorization. And finally, the most successful schools are community-centered, with a culture of collaboration and acceptance of mistakes.

“We as humans are social learners, yet some of the tech talk is driven by people who are strong individual learners,” said Jeremy Roschelle, executive director of Learning Sciences Research at Digital Promise, a global education nonprofit. “They’re not necessarily thinking about how most people learn, which is very social.”

Another powerful insight from pandemic-era remote schooling involves the evolving role of teachers, said Kim Kelly, a middle school math teacher at Northbridge Middle School in Massachusetts and a K-8 curriculum coach. Historically, a teacher’s role is the keeper of knowledge who delivers instruction. But in recent years, there has been a shift in approach, where teachers think of themselves as coaches who can intervene based on a student’s individual learning progress. Technology that assists with a coach-like role can be effective — but requires educators to be trained and comfortable interpreting data on student needs.

For example, with a digital learning platform called ASSISTments, teachers can assign math problems, students complete them — potentially receiving in-the-moment feedback on steps they’re getting wrong — and then the teachers can use data from individual students and the entire class to plan instruction and see where additional support is needed.

“A big advantage of these computer-driven products is they really try to diagnose where students are, and try to address their needs. It’s very personalized, individualized,” said WestEd’s Feng, who has evaluated ASSISTments and other educational technologies. She noted that some teachers feel frustrated “when you expect them to read the data and try to figure out what the students’ needs are.”

Teacher’s colleges don’t typically prepare educators to interpret data and change their practices, said Kelly, whose dissertation focused on self-regulated online learning. But professional development has helped her learn to harness technology to improve teaching and learning. “Schools are in data overload; we are oozing data from every direction, yet none of it is very actionable,” she said. Some technology, she added, provided student data that she could use regularly, which changed how she taught and assigned homework.

When students get feedback from the computer program during a homework session, the whole class doesn’t have to review the homework together, which can save time. Educators can move forward on instruction — or if they see areas of confusion, focus more on those topics. The ability of the programs to detect how well students are learning “is unreal,” said Kelly, “but it really does require teachers to be monitoring that data and interpreting.” She learned to accept that some students could drive their own learning and act on the feedback from homework, while others simply needed more teacher intervention. She now does more assessment at the beginning of a course to better support all students.

At the district or even national level, letting teachers play to their strengths can also help improve how their students learn, Toch, of FutureEd, said. For example, if a teacher is better at delivering instruction, they could give a lesson to a larger group of students online, while another teacher who is more comfortable in the coach role could work in smaller groups or one-on-one.

“One thing we saw during the pandemic are smart strategies for using technology to get outstanding teachers in front of more students,” Toch said, describing one effort that recruited exceptional teachers nationally and built a strong curriculum to be delivered online. “The local educators were providing support for their students in their classrooms.”

Remote schooling requires new technology, and already, educators are swamped with competing platforms and software choices — most of which have insufficient evidence of efficacy . Traditional independent research on specific technologies is sparse, Roschelle said. Post-pandemic, the field is so diverse and there are so many technologies in use, it’s almost impossible to find a control group to design a randomized control trial, he added. However, there is qualitative research and evidence that give hints about the quality of technology and online learning, such as case studies and school recommendations.

Educational leaders should ask three key questions about technology before investing, recommended Ryan Baker, a professor of education at the University of Pennsylvania: Is there evidence it works to improve learning outcomes? Does the vendor provide support and training, or are teachers on their own? And does it work with the same types of students as are in their school or district? In other words, educators must look at a technology’s track record in the context of their own school’s demographics, geography, culture, and challenges. These decisions are complicated by the small universe of researchers and evaluators, who have many overlapping relationships. (Over his career, for example, Baker has worked with or consulted for many of the education technology firms that create the software he studies.)

It may help to broaden the definition of evidence. The Center on Reinventing Public Education launched the Canopy project to collect examples of effective educational innovation around the U.S.

“What we wanted to do is build much better and more open and collective knowledge about where schools are challenging old assumptions and redesigning what school is and should be,” she added, noting that these educational leaders are reconceptualizing the skills they want students to attain. “They’re often trying to measure or communicate concepts that we don’t have great measurement tools for yet. So they end up relying on a lot of testimonials and evidence of student work.”

The moment is ripe for innovation in online and in-person education, said Julia Fallon, executive director of the State Educational Technology Directors Association, since the pandemic accelerated the rollout of devices and needed infrastructure. There’s an opportunity and need for technology that empowers teachers to improve learning outcomes and work more efficiently, said Roschelle. Online and hybrid learning are clearly here to stay — and likely will be called upon again during future temporary school closures.

Still, poorly-executed remote learning risks tainting the whole model; parents and students may be unlikely to give it a second chance. The pandemic showed the hard and fast limits on the potential for fully remote learning to be adopted broadly, for one, because in many communities, schools serve more than an educational function — they support children’s mental health, social needs, and nutrition and other physical health needs. The pandemic also highlighted the real challenge in training the entire U.S. teaching corps to be proficient in technology and data analysis. And the lack of a nimble shift to remote learning in an emergency will disproportionately harm low-income children and students of color. So the stakes are high for getting it right, experts told Undark, and summoning the political will.

“There are these benefits in online education, but there are also these real weaknesses we know from prior research and experience,” Jochim said. “So how do we build a system that has online learning as a complement to this other set of supports and experiences that kids benefit from?”

Katherine Reynolds Lewis is an award-winning journalist covering children, race, gender, disability, mental health, social justice, and science.

This article was originally published on Undark . Read the original article .

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Greater Good Science Center • Magazine • In Action • In Education

Six Online Activities to Help Students Cope With COVID-19

At the peak of the COVID-19 pandemic, UNESCO estimates that 91.3% of the world’s students were learning remotely, with 194 governments ordering country-wide closures of their schools and more than 1.3 billion students learning in online classrooms.

Now that the building blocks of remote education have been put into place and classroom learning is underway, more and more teachers are turning their attention to the mental health of their students. Youth anxiety about the coronavirus is rising , and our young people are feeling isolated, disconnected, and confused. While social-emotional education has typically taken place in the bricks and mortar of schools, we must now adapt these curriculums for an online setting.

I have created six well-being activities for teachers to deliver online using the research-based SEARCH framework , which stands for Strengths, Emotional management, Attention and awareness, Relationships, Coping, and Habits and goals. Research suggests that students who cultivate these skills have stronger coping capacity , are more adaptable and receptive to change , and are more satisfied with their lives .

The virtual activities can be used for specific well-being lessons or advisory classes , or can be woven into other curricula you are teaching, such as English, Art, Humanities, and Physical Education. You might consider using the activities in three ways:

Positive primer: to energize your students at the start of class to kickstart learning, prompt them to think about their well-being in that moment, get them socially connected online, and get their brain focused for learning.
Positive pause: to re-energize students at a time when you see class dynamics shifting, energy levels dropping, or students being distracted away from the screen.
Positive post-script: to reward students and finish off the class in a positive way before they log off.

Rather than viewing these activities as another thing you have to fit in, use them as a learning tool that helps your students stay focused, connected, and energized.

1. Strengths

Activity: Staying Strong During COVID-19 Learning goal: To help students learn about their own strengths Time: 50 minutes Age: 10+

Prior to the lesson, have students complete the VIA strengths questionnaire to identify their strengths.

Step 1: In the virtual class, explain the VIA strengths framework to students. The VIA framework is a research-based model that outlines 24 universal character strengths (such as kindness, courage, humor, love of learning, and perseverance) that are reflected in a student’s pattern of thoughts, feelings, and actions. You can learn more about the framework and find a description of each character strength from the VIA Institute on Character .

Step 2: Place students in groups of four into chat rooms on your online learning platform and ask them to discuss these reflection questions:

What are your top five strengths?
How can you use your strengths to stay engaged during remote learning?
How can you use your strengths during home lockdown or family quarantine?
How do you use your strengths to help your friends during COVID-19?

Step 3: As a whole class, discuss the range of different strengths that can be used to help during COVID times.

Research shows that using a strength-based approach at school can improve student engagement and grades , as well as create more positive social dynamics among students. Strengths also help people to overcome adversity .

2. Emotional management

Activity: Managing Emotions During the Coronavirus Pandemic Learning goal: To normalize negative emotions and to generate ways to promote more positive emotions Time: 50 minutes Age: 8+

Step 1: Show students an “emotion wheel” and lead a discussion with them about the emotions they might be feeling as a result of the coronavirus pandemic. You can use this wheel for elementary school and this wheel for high school.

Step 2: Create an anonymous online poll (with a service like SurveyMonkey ) listing the following 10 emotions: stressed, curious, frustrated, happy, angry, playful, sad, calm, helpless, hopeful.

Step 3: In the survey, ask students to enter the five emotions they are feeling most frequently.

Step 4: Tally the results and show them on your screen for each of the 10 emotions. Discuss the survey results. What emotions are students most often feeling? Talk about the range of emotions experienced. For example, some people will feel sad when others might feel curious; students can feel frustrated but hopeful at the same time.

Step 5: Select the top two positive emotions and the top two negative emotions from the survey. Put students into groups of four in virtual breakout rooms to brainstorm three things they can do to cope with their negative emotions, and three action steps they can take to have more positive emotions.

A hypothetical heart-shaped Earth, as it would be if seen from space.

Supporting Learning and Well-Being During the Coronavirus Crisis

Activities, articles, videos, and other resources to address student and adult anxiety and cultivate connection

Research shows that emotional management activities help to boost self-esteem and reduce distress in students. Additionally, students with higher emotional intelligence also have higher academic performance .

3. Attention and awareness

Activity: Finding Calm During Coronavirus Times Learning goal: To use a mindful breathing practice to calm our heart and clear our mind Time: 10 minutes Age: All

Step 1: Have students rate their levels of stress on a scale of 1-10, with 1 being very calm and 10 being highly stressed.

Step 2: Do three minutes of square breathing, which goes like this:

Image a square in front of you at chest height.
Point your index finger away from you and use it to trace the four sides of the imaginary square.
As you trace the first side of the square, breathe in for four seconds.
As you trace the next side of the square, breathe out for four seconds.
Continue this process to complete the next two sides of the square.
Repeat the drawing of the square four times.

Step 3: Have students rate their levels of stress on a scale of 1-10, with 1 being very calm and 10 being highly stressed. Discuss if this short breathing activity made a difference to their stress.

Step 4: Debrief on how sometimes we can’t control the big events in life, but we can use small strategies like square breathing to calm us down.

Students who have learned mindfulness skills at school report that it helps to reduce their stress and anxiety .

4. Relationships

Activity: Color conversations Purpose: To get to know each other; to deepen class relationships during remote learning Time: 20 minutes Age: 10+

Step 1: Randomly assign students to one of the following four colors: red, orange, yellow, and purple.

Step 2: Put students into a chat room based on their color group and provide the following instructions to each group:

Red group: Share a happy memory.
Orange group: Share something new that you have learned recently.
Yellow group: Share something unique about you.
Purple group: Share what your favorite food is and why.

Step 3: Come back to the main screen and ask three students to share something new they learned about a fellow student as a result of this fun activity.

Three Good Things for Students

Help students tune in to the positive events in their lives

This is an exercise you can use repeatedly, as long as you ensure that students get mixed up into different groups each time. You can also create new prompts to go with the colors (for example, dream holiday destination, favorite ice cream flavor, best compliment you ever received).

By building up student connections, you are supporting their well-being, as research suggests that a student’s sense of belonging impacts both their grades and their self-esteem .

Activity: Real-Time Resilience During Coronavirus Times Learning goal: To identify opportunities for resilience and promote positive action Time: 30 minutes Age: 10+

Step 1: Have students brainstorm a list of all the changes that have occurred as a result of the coronavirus. As the students are brainstorming, type up their list of responses on your screen.

Step 2: Go through each thing that has changed, and have the students decide if it is something that is within their control (like their study habits at home) or something they cannot control (like not attending school on campus).

Step 3: Choose two things that the students have identified as within their control, and ask students to brainstorm a list of ways to cope with those changes.

You can repeat this exercise multiple times to go through the other points on the list that are within the students’ control.

Developing coping skills during childhood and adolescence has been show to boost students’ hope and stress management skills —both of which are needed at this time.

6. Habits and goals

Activity: Hope Hearts for the Coronavirus Pandemic Learning goal: To help students see the role that hope plays in setting goals during hard times Time: 50 minutes Age: 10+

Step 1: Find a heart image for students to use (with a program like Canva ).

Step 2: Set up an online whiteboard to post the hearts on (with a program like Miro ).

Step 3: Ask students to reflect on what hope means to them.

Step 4: Ask students to write statements on their hearts about what they hope for the world during coronavirus times, and then stick these on the whiteboard. Discuss common themes with the class. Finally, discuss one small action each student can take to create hope for others during this distressing time.

Step 5: Ask students to write statements on their hearts about what they hope for themselves, and then stick these on the whiteboard. Discuss common themes with the class. Finally, discuss one small action each student can take to work toward the goal they’re hoping for.

Helping students to set goals and have hope at this time can support their well-being. Research suggests that goals help to combat student boredom and anxiety , while having hope builds self-worth and life satisfaction .

The six activities above have been designed to help you stay connected with your students during this time of uncertainty—connected beyond the academic content that you are teaching. The intense change we are all facing has triggered heightened levels of stress and anxiety for students and teachers alike. Weaving well-being into online classrooms gives us the opportunity to provide a place of calm and show students they can use adversity to build up their emotional toolkit. In this way, you are giving them a skill set that has the potential to endure beyond the pandemic and lessons that may stay with them for many years to come.

About the Author

Lea Waters , A.M., Ph.D. , is an academic researcher, psychologist, author, and speaker who specializes in positive education, parenting, and organizations. Professor Waters is the author of the Visible Wellbeing elearning program that is being used by schools across the globe to foster social and emotional elearning. Professor Waters is the founding director and inaugural Gerry Higgins Chair in Positive Psychology at the Centre for Positive Psychology , University of Melbourne, where she has held an academic position for 24 years. Her acclaimed book The Strength Switch: How The New Science of Strength-Based Parenting Can Help Your Child and Your Teen to Flourish was listed as a top read by the Greater Good Science Center in 2017.

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The pandemic has had devastating impacts on learning. What will it take to help students catch up?

Subscribe to the brown center on education policy newsletter, megan kuhfeld , megan kuhfeld senior research scientist - nwea @megankuhfeld jim soland , jim soland assistant professor, school of education and human development - university of virginia, affiliated research fellow - nwea @jsoland karyn lewis , and karyn lewis director, center for school and student progress - nwea @karynlew emily morton emily morton research scientist - nwea @emily_r_morton.

March 3, 2022

As we reach the two-year mark of the initial wave of pandemic-induced school shutdowns, academic normalcy remains out of reach for many students, educators, and parents. In addition to surging COVID-19 cases at the end of 2021, schools have faced severe staff shortages , high rates of absenteeism and quarantines , and rolling school closures . Furthermore, students and educators continue to struggle with mental health challenges , higher rates of violence and misbehavior , and concerns about lost instructional time .

As we outline in our new research study released in January, the cumulative impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on students’ academic achievement has been large. We tracked changes in math and reading test scores across the first two years of the pandemic using data from 5.4 million U.S. students in grades 3-8. We focused on test scores from immediately before the pandemic (fall 2019), following the initial onset (fall 2020), and more than one year into pandemic disruptions (fall 2021).

Average fall 2021 math test scores in grades 3-8 were 0.20-0.27 standard deviations (SDs) lower relative to same-grade peers in fall 2019, while reading test scores were 0.09-0.18 SDs lower. This is a sizable drop. For context, the math drops are significantly larger than estimated impacts from other large-scale school disruptions, such as after Hurricane Katrina—math scores dropped 0.17 SDs in one year for New Orleans evacuees .

Even more concerning, test-score gaps between students in low-poverty and high-poverty elementary schools grew by approximately 20% in math (corresponding to 0.20 SDs) and 15% in reading (0.13 SDs), primarily during the 2020-21 school year. Further, achievement tended to drop more between fall 2020 and 2021 than between fall 2019 and 2020 (both overall and differentially by school poverty), indicating that disruptions to learning have continued to negatively impact students well past the initial hits following the spring 2020 school closures.

These numbers are alarming and potentially demoralizing, especially given the heroic efforts of students to learn and educators to teach in incredibly trying times. From our perspective, these test-score drops in no way indicate that these students represent a “ lost generation ” or that we should give up hope. Most of us have never lived through a pandemic, and there is so much we don’t know about students’ capacity for resiliency in these circumstances and what a timeline for recovery will look like. Nor are we suggesting that teachers are somehow at fault given the achievement drops that occurred between 2020 and 2021; rather, educators had difficult jobs before the pandemic, and now are contending with huge new challenges, many outside their control.

Clearly, however, there’s work to do. School districts and states are currently making important decisions about which interventions and strategies to implement to mitigate the learning declines during the last two years. Elementary and Secondary School Emergency Relief (ESSER) investments from the American Rescue Plan provided nearly $200 billion to public schools to spend on COVID-19-related needs. Of that sum, $22 billion is dedicated specifically to addressing learning loss using “evidence-based interventions” focused on the “ disproportionate impact of COVID-19 on underrepresented student subgroups. ” Reviews of district and state spending plans (see Future Ed , EduRecoveryHub , and RAND’s American School District Panel for more details) indicate that districts are spending their ESSER dollars designated for academic recovery on a wide variety of strategies, with summer learning, tutoring, after-school programs, and extended school-day and school-year initiatives rising to the top.

Comparing the negative impacts from learning disruptions to the positive impacts from interventions

To help contextualize the magnitude of the impacts of COVID-19, we situate test-score drops during the pandemic relative to the test-score gains associated with common interventions being employed by districts as part of pandemic recovery efforts. If we assume that such interventions will continue to be as successful in a COVID-19 school environment, can we expect that these strategies will be effective enough to help students catch up? To answer this question, we draw from recent reviews of research on high-dosage tutoring , summer learning programs , reductions in class size , and extending the school day (specifically for literacy instruction) . We report effect sizes for each intervention specific to a grade span and subject wherever possible (e.g., tutoring has been found to have larger effects in elementary math than in reading).

Figure 1 shows the standardized drops in math test scores between students testing in fall 2019 and fall 2021 (separately by elementary and middle school grades) relative to the average effect size of various educational interventions. The average effect size for math tutoring matches or exceeds the average COVID-19 score drop in math. Research on tutoring indicates that it often works best in younger grades, and when provided by a teacher rather than, say, a parent. Further, some of the tutoring programs that produce the biggest effects can be quite intensive (and likely expensive), including having full-time tutors supporting all students (not just those needing remediation) in one-on-one settings during the school day. Meanwhile, the average effect of reducing class size is negative but not significant, with high variability in the impact across different studies. Summer programs in math have been found to be effective (average effect size of .10 SDs), though these programs in isolation likely would not eliminate the COVID-19 test-score drops.

Figure 1: Math COVID-19 test-score drops compared to the effect sizes of various educational interventions

$Figure 1 – Math COVID-19 test-score drops compared to the effect sizes of various educational interventions$

Source: COVID-19 score drops are pulled from Kuhfeld et al. (2022) Table 5; reduction-in-class-size results are from pg. 10 of Figles et al. (2018) Table 2; summer program results are pulled from Lynch et al (2021) Table 2; and tutoring estimates are pulled from Nictow et al (2020) Table 3B. Ninety-five percent confidence intervals are shown with vertical lines on each bar.

Notes: Kuhfeld et al. and Nictow et al. reported effect sizes separately by grade span; Figles et al. and Lynch et al. report an overall effect size across elementary and middle grades. We were unable to find a rigorous study that reported effect sizes for extending the school day/year on math performance. Nictow et al. and Kraft & Falken (2021) also note large variations in tutoring effects depending on the type of tutor, with larger effects for teacher and paraprofessional tutoring programs than for nonprofessional and parent tutoring. Class-size reductions included in the Figles meta-analysis ranged from a minimum of one to minimum of eight students per class.

Figure 2 displays a similar comparison using effect sizes from reading interventions. The average effect of tutoring programs on reading achievement is larger than the effects found for the other interventions, though summer reading programs and class size reduction both produced average effect sizes in the ballpark of the COVID-19 reading score drops.

Figure 2: Reading COVID-19 test-score drops compared to the effect sizes of various educational interventions

Source: COVID-19 score drops are pulled from Kuhfeld et al. (2022) Table 5; extended-school-day results are from Figlio et al. (2018) Table 2; reduction-in-class-size results are from pg. 10 of Figles et al. (2018) ; summer program results are pulled from Kim & Quinn (2013) Table 3; and tutoring estimates are pulled from Nictow et al (2020) Table 3B. Ninety-five percent confidence intervals are shown with vertical lines on each bar.

Notes: While Kuhfeld et al. and Nictow et al. reported effect sizes separately by grade span, Figlio et al. and Kim & Quinn report an overall effect size across elementary and middle grades. Class-size reductions included in the Figles meta-analysis ranged from a minimum of one to minimum of eight students per class.

There are some limitations of drawing on research conducted prior to the pandemic to understand our ability to address the COVID-19 test-score drops. First, these studies were conducted under conditions that are very different from what schools currently face, and it is an open question whether the effectiveness of these interventions during the pandemic will be as consistent as they were before the pandemic. Second, we have little evidence and guidance about the efficacy of these interventions at the unprecedented scale that they are now being considered. For example, many school districts are expanding summer learning programs, but school districts have struggled to find staff interested in teaching summer school to meet the increased demand. Finally, given the widening test-score gaps between low- and high-poverty schools, it’s uncertain whether these interventions can actually combat the range of new challenges educators are facing in order to narrow these gaps. That is, students could catch up overall, yet the pandemic might still have lasting, negative effects on educational equality in this country.

Given that the current initiatives are unlikely to be implemented consistently across (and sometimes within) districts, timely feedback on the effects of initiatives and any needed adjustments will be crucial to districts’ success. The Road to COVID Recovery project and the National Student Support Accelerator are two such large-scale evaluation studies that aim to produce this type of evidence while providing resources for districts to track and evaluate their own programming. Additionally, a growing number of resources have been produced with recommendations on how to best implement recovery programs, including scaling up tutoring , summer learning programs , and expanded learning time .

Ultimately, there is much work to be done, and the challenges for students, educators, and parents are considerable. But this may be a moment when decades of educational reform, intervention, and research pay off. Relying on what we have learned could show the way forward.

What can we do about COVID-related learning loss?

Experts offer evidence-based methods to close the gap following the pandemic.

Lead pic for Learning Interrupted feature.

Remember when the summer setback or slide among kids was a major concern for educators? Teachers would see a decrease of at least one month’s worth of school-year learning after a three-month summer break. Now imagine that decline after a dramatic shift to online learning and over 14 months of quarantine . Resources are now available to safely bring students back to school, but how do you make up for this much of a disruption in education?

When the National Assessment of Educational Progress (NAEP) released test results in the summer of 2022, the data confirmed what many educators had feared: Math and reading scores of 9-year-olds had dropped to levels that hadn’t been seen in two decades. While the decline in performance was noted across the board, the drop has been greater for Black and Brown students, especially those who lacked access to virtual learning or were enrolled in districts that delayed a return to in-person learning.

“This once-in-a-generation virus upended our country in so many ways—and our students cannot be the ones who sacrifice most now or in the long run,” said U.S. Secretary of Education Miguel Cardona in comments about the NAEP results. “We must treat the task of catching our children up in reading and math with the urgency this moment demands.”

As educators and district leaders wrestle with a host of other challenges, how can they create a plan to get students, especially the most vulnerable, back on track? What research-backed solutions might be most effective in addressing a problem that could have lasting consequences for the schoolchildren affected and our society at large?

Patricia Burch

Co-director of CEPEG

This story appeared in the USC Rossier Magazine Winter/Spring 2023 issue as “Learning Interrupted."

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COVID Hurt Student Learning: Key Findings From a Year of Research

Dozens of studies have come out over the past months concluding that the pandemic had a negative—and uneven—effect on student learning.

National analyses have shown that students who were already struggling fell further behind than their peers, and that Black and Latino students experienced greater declines in test scores than their peers.

But taken together, what implications do they have for school and district leaders looking for a path forward?

Here are four questions and answers, based on what we’ve learned from the most salient studies, that dig into the evidence.

Did students who stayed in remote learning longer fare worse than those who learned in person?

Generally, yes—but not in every single instance.

School buildings shut down in spring 2020 . By fall 2021, most students were back learning in person. But schools took a variety of different approaches in the middle, during the 2020-21 school year.

Several studies have attempted to examine the effects of the choices that districts made during that time period. And they found that students who were mostly in-person fared better than students who were mostly remote.

An analysis of 2021 spring state test data across 12 states found that districts that offered more access to in-person options saw smaller declines in math and reading scores than districts that offered less access. In reading, the effect was much larger in districts with a higher share of Black and Hispanic students.

Assessment experts, as well as the researchers, have urged caution about these results, noting that it’s hard to draw conclusions from results on spring 2021 state tests, given low rates of participation and other factors that affected how the tests were administered.

But it wasn’t just state test scores that were affected. Interim test scores—the more-frequent assessments that schools give throughout the year—saw declines too.

Another study examined scores on the Measures of Academic Progress assessment, or MAP , an interim test developed by NWEA, a nonprofit assessment provider. Researchers at NWEA, the American Institutes for Research, and Harvard examined data from 2.1 million students during the 2020-21 school year.

Students in districts that were remote during this period had lower achievement growth than students in districts that offered in-person learning. The effects were most substantial for high-poverty schools in remote learning districts.

Still, other research introduces some caveats.

The Education Recovery Scorecard, a collaboration between researchers at Stanford and Harvard, analyzed states’ scores on the 2022 National Assessment of Educational Progress. They compared these scores to the average amount of time that a district in the state spent in remote learning.

For the most part, this analysis confirmed the findings of previous research: In states where districts were remote longer, student achievement was worse. But there were also some outliers, like California. There, students saw smaller declines in math than average, even though the state had the highest closure rates on average. The researchers also noted that even among districts that spent the same amount of time in 2020-21 in remote learning, there were differences in achievement declines.

Are there other factors that could have contributed to these declines?

It’s probable. Remote learning didn’t take place in a vacuum, as educators and experts have repeatedly pointed out. But there’s not a lot of empirical evidence on this question just yet.

Children switched to virtual instruction as the pandemic unfolded around them—parents lost jobs, family members fell sick and died. In many cases, the school districts that chose remote learning served communities that also suffered some of the highest mortality rates from COVID.

The NWEA, AIR, and Harvard researchers—the group that looked at interim test data—note this. “It is possible that the relationships we have observed are not entirely causal, that family stress in the districts that remained remote both caused the decline in achievement and drove school officials to keep school buildings closed,” they wrote.

The Education Recovery Scorecard team plans to investigate the effects of other factors in future research, “such as COVID death rates, broadband connectivity, the predominant industries of employment and occupations for parents in the school district.”

Most of this data is from the 2020-21 school year. What’s happening now? Are students making progress?

They are—but it’s unevenly distributed.

NWEA, the interim assessment provider, recently analyzed test data from spring 2022 . They found that student academic progress during the 2021-22 school did start to rebound.

But even though students at both ends of the distribution are making academic progress, lower-scoring students are making gains at a slower rate than higher-scoring students.

“It’s kind of a double whammy. Lower-achieving students were harder hit in that initial phase of the pandemic, and they’re not achieving as steadily,” Karyn Lewis, the lead author of the brief, said earlier in November .

What should schools do in response? How can they know where to focus their efforts?

That depends on what your own data show—though it’s a good bet that focusing on math, especially for kids who were already struggling, is a good place to start.

Test results across the board, from the NAEP to interim assessment data, show that declines have been larger in math than in reading . And kids who were already struggling fell further behind than their peers, widening gaps with higher-achieving students.

But these sweeping analyses don’t tell individual teachers, or even districts, what their specific students need. That may look different from school to school.

“One of the things we found is that even within a district, there is variability,” Sean Reardon, a professor of poverty and inequality in education at Stanford University and a researcher on the Education Recovery Scorecard, said in a statement.

“School districts are the first line of action to help children catch up. The better they know about the patterns of learning loss, the more they’re going to be able to target their resources effectively to reduce educational inequality of opportunity and help children and communities thrive,” he said.

Experts have emphasized two main suggestions in interviews with Education Week.

Figure out where students are. Teachers and school leaders can examine interim test data from classrooms or, for a more real-time analysis, samples of student work. These classroom-level data are more useful for targeting instruction than top-line state test results or NAEP scores, experts say.
Districts should make sure that the students who have been disproportionately affected by pandemic disruptions are prioritized for support.

“The implication for district leaders isn’t just, ‘am I offering the right kinds of opportunities [for academic recovery]?’” Lewis said earlier this month. “But also, ‘am I offering them to the students who have been harmed most?’”

A version of this article appeared in the December 14, 2022 edition of Education Week as COVID Hurt Student Learning: Four Key Findings from A Year of Research

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Review Article
Published: 27 September 2021

Why lockdown and distance learning during the COVID-19 pandemic are likely to increase the social class achievement gap

Sébastien Goudeau ORCID: orcid.org/0000-0001-7293-0977 1 ,
Camille Sanrey ORCID: orcid.org/0000-0003-3158-1306 1 ,
Arnaud Stanczak ORCID: orcid.org/0000-0002-2596-1516 2 ,
Antony Manstead ORCID: orcid.org/0000-0001-7540-2096 3 &
Céline Darnon ORCID: orcid.org/0000-0003-2613-689X 2

Nature Human Behaviour volume 5 , pages 1273–1281 ( 2021 ) Cite this article

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The COVID-19 pandemic has forced teachers and parents to quickly adapt to a new educational context: distance learning. Teachers developed online academic material while parents taught the exercises and lessons provided by teachers to their children at home. Considering that the use of digital tools in education has dramatically increased during this crisis, and it is set to continue, there is a pressing need to understand the impact of distance learning. Taking a multidisciplinary view, we argue that by making the learning process rely more than ever on families, rather than on teachers, and by getting students to work predominantly via digital resources, school closures exacerbate social class academic disparities. To address this burning issue, we propose an agenda for future research and outline recommendations to help parents, teachers and policymakers to limit the impact of the lockdown on social-class-based academic inequality.

Large socio-economic, geographic and demographic disparities exist in exposure to school closures

Elementary school teachers’ perspectives about learning during the COVID-19 pandemic

Uncovering Covid-19, distance learning, and educational inequality in rural areas of Pakistan and China: a situational analysis method

The widespread effects of the COVID-19 pandemic that emerged in 2019–2020 have drastically increased health, social and economic inequalities 1 , 2 . For more than 900 million learners around the world, the pandemic led to the closure of schools and universities 3 . This exceptional situation forced teachers, parents and students to quickly adapt to a new educational context: distance learning. Teachers had to develop online academic materials that could be used at home to ensure educational continuity while ensuring the necessary physical distancing. Primary and secondary school students suddenly had to work with various kinds of support, which were usually provided online by their teachers. For college students, lockdown often entailed returning to their hometowns while staying connected with their teachers and classmates via video conferences, email and other digital tools. Despite the best efforts of educational institutions, parents and teachers to keep all children and students engaged in learning activities, ensuring educational continuity during school closure—something that is difficult for everyone—may pose unique material and psychological challenges for working-class families and students.

Not only did the pandemic lead to the closure of schools in many countries, often for several weeks, it also accelerated the digitalization of education and amplified the role of parental involvement in supporting the schoolwork of their children. Thus, beyond the specific circumstances of the COVID-19 lockdown, we believe that studying the effects of the pandemic on academic inequalities provides a way to more broadly examine the consequences of school closure and related effects (for example, digitalization of education) on social class inequalities. Indeed, bearing in mind that (1) the risk of further pandemics is higher than ever (that is, we are in a ‘pandemic era’ 4 , 5 ) and (2) beyond pandemics, the use of digital tools in education (and therefore the influence of parental involvement) has dramatically increased during this crisis, and is set to continue, there is a pressing need for an integrative and comprehensive model that examines the consequences of distance learning. Here, we propose such an integrative model that helps us to understand the extent to which the school closures associated with the pandemic amplify economic, digital and cultural divides that in turn affect the psychological functioning of parents, students and teachers in a way that amplifies academic inequalities. Bringing together research in social sciences, ranging from economics and sociology to social, cultural, cognitive and educational psychology, we argue that by getting students to work predominantly via digital resources rather than direct interactions with their teachers, and by making the learning process rely more than ever on families rather than teachers, school closures exacerbate social class academic disparities.

First, we review research showing that social class is associated with unequal access to digital tools, unequal familiarity with digital skills and unequal uses of such tools for learning purposes 6 , 7 . We then review research documenting how unequal familiarity with school culture, knowledge and skills can also contribute to the accentuation of academic inequalities 8 , 9 . Next, we present the results of surveys conducted during the 2020 lockdown showing that the quality and quantity of pedagogical support received from schools varied according to the social class of families (for examples, see refs. 10 , 11 , 12 ). We then argue that these digital, cultural and structural divides represent barriers to the ability of parents to provide appropriate support for children during distance learning (Fig. 1 ). These divides also alter the levels of self-efficacy of parents and children, thereby affecting their engagement in learning activities 13 , 14 . In the final section, we review preliminary evidence for the hypothesis that distance learning widens the social class achievement gap and we propose an agenda for future research. In addition, we outline recommendations that should help parents, teachers and policymakers to use social science research to limit the impact of school closure and distance learning on the social class achievement gap.

Economic, structural, digital and cultural divides influence the psychological functioning of parents and students in a way that amplify inequalities.

The digital divide

Unequal access to digital resources.

Although the use of digital technologies is almost ubiquitous in developed nations, there is a digital divide such that some people are more likely than others to be numerically excluded 15 (Fig. 1 ). Social class is a strong predictor of digital disparities, including the quality of hardware, software and Internet access 16 , 17 , 18 . For example, in 2019, in France, around 1 in 5 working-class families did not have personal access to the Internet compared with less than 1 in 20 of the most privileged families 19 . Similarly, in 2020, in the United Kingdom, 20% of children who were eligible for free school meals did not have access to a computer at home compared with 7% of other children 20 . In 2021, in the United States, 41% of working-class families do not own a laptop or desktop computer and 43% do not have broadband compared with 8% and 7%, respectively, of upper/middle-class Americans 21 . A similar digital gap is also evident between lower-income and higher-income countries 22 .

Second, simply having access to a computer and an Internet connection does not ensure effective distance learning. For example, many of the educational resources sent by teachers need to be printed, thereby requiring access to printers. Moreover, distance learning is more difficult in households with only one shared computer compared with those where each family member has their own 23 . Furthermore, upper/middle-class families are more likely to be able to guarantee a suitable workspace for each child than their working-class counterparts 24 .

In the context of school closures, such disparities are likely to have important consequences for educational continuity. In line with this idea, a survey of approximately 4,000 parents in the United Kingdom confirmed that during lockdown, more than half of primary school children from the poorest families did not have access to their own study space and were less well equipped for distance learning than higher-income families 10 . Similarly, a survey of around 1,300 parents in the Netherlands found that during lockdown, children from working-class families had fewer computers at home and less room to study than upper/middle-class children 11 .

Data from non-Western countries highlight a more general digital divide, showing that developing countries have poorer access to digital equipment. For example, in India in 2018, only 10.7% of households possessed a digital device 25 , while in Pakistan in 2020, 31% of higher-education teachers did not have Internet access and 68.4% did not have a laptop 26 . In general, developing countries lack access to digital technologies 27 , 28 , and these difficulties of access are even greater in rural areas (for example, see ref. 29 ). Consequently, school closures have huge repercussions for the continuity of learning in these countries. For example, in India in 2018, only 11% of the rural and 40% of the urban population above 14 years old could use a computer and access the Internet 25 . Time spent on education during school closure decreased by 80% in Bangladesh 30 . A similar trend was observed in other countries 31 , with only 22% of children engaging in remote learning in Kenya 32 and 50% in Burkina Faso 33 . In Ghana, 26–32% of children spent no time at all on learning during the pandemic 34 . Beyond the overall digital divide, social class disparities are also evident in developing countries, with lower access to digital resources among households in which parental educational levels were low (versus households in which parental educational levels were high; for example, see ref. 35 for Nigeria and ref. 31 for Ecuador).

Unequal digital skills

In addition to unequal access to digital tools, there are also systematic variations in digital skills 36 , 37 (Fig. 1 ). Upper/middle-class families are more familiar with digital tools and resources and are therefore more likely to have the digital skills needed for distance learning 38 , 39 , 40 . These digital skills are particularly useful during school closures, both for students and for parents, for organizing, retrieving and correctly using the resources provided by the teachers (for example, sending or receiving documents by email, printing documents or using word processors).

Social class disparities in digital skills can be explained in part by the fact that children from upper/middle-class families have the opportunity to develop digital skills earlier than working-class families 41 . In member countries of the OECD (Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development), only 23% of working-class children had started using a computer at the age of 6 years or earlier compared with 43% of upper/middle-class children 42 . Moreover, because working-class people tend to persist less than upper/middle-class people when confronted with digital difficulties 23 , the use of digital tools and resources for distance learning may interfere with the ability of parents to help children with their schoolwork.

Unequal use of digital tools

A third level of digital divide concerns variations in digital tool use 18 , 43 (Fig. 1 ). Upper/middle-class families are more likely to use digital resources for work and education 6 , 41 , 44 , whereas working-class families are more likely to use these resources for entertainment, such as electronic games or social media 6 , 45 . This divide is also observed among students, whereby working-class students tend to use digital technologies for leisure activities, whereas their upper/middle-class peers are more likely to use them for academic activities 46 and to consider that computers and the Internet provide an opportunity for education and training 23 . Furthermore, working-class families appear to regulate the digital practices of their children less 47 and are more likely to allow screens in the bedrooms of children and teenagers without setting limits on times or practices 48 .

In sum, inequalities in terms of digital resources, skills and use have strong implications for distance learning. This is because they make working-class students and parents particularly vulnerable when learning relies on extensive use of digital devices rather than on face-to-face interaction with teachers.

The cultural divide

Even if all three levels of digital divide were closed, upper/middle-class families would still be better prepared than working-class families to ensure educational continuity for their children. Upper/middle-class families are more familiar with the academic knowledge and skills that are expected and valued in educational settings, as well as with the independent, autonomous way of learning that is valued in the school culture and becomes even more important during school closure (Fig. 1 ).

Unequal familiarity with academic knowledge and skills

According to classical social reproduction theory 8 , 49 , school is not a neutral place in which all forms of language and knowledge are equally valued. Academic contexts expect and value culture-specific and taken-for-granted forms of knowledge, skills and ways of being, thinking and speaking that are more in tune with those developed through upper/middle-class socialization (that is, ‘cultural capital’ 8 , 50 , 51 , 52 , 53 ). For instance, academic contexts value interest in the arts, museums and literature 54 , 55 , a type of interest that is more likely to develop through socialization in upper/middle-class families than in working-class socialization 54 , 56 . Indeed, upper/middle-class parents are more likely than working-class parents to engage in activities that develop this cultural capital. For example, they possess more books and cultural objects at home, read more stories to their children and visit museums and libraries more often (for examples, see refs. 51 , 54 , 55 ). Upper/middle-class children are also more involved in extra-curricular activities (for example, playing a musical instrument) than working-class children 55 , 56 , 57 .

Beyond this implicit familiarization with the school curriculum, upper/middle-class parents more often organize educational activities that are explicitly designed to develop academic skills of their children 57 , 58 , 59 . For example, they are more likely to monitor and re-explain lessons or use games and textbooks to develop and reinforce academic skills (for example, labelling numbers, letters or colours 57 , 60 ). Upper/middle-class parents also provide higher levels of support and spend more time helping children with homework than working-class parents (for examples, see refs. 61 , 62 ). Thus, even if all parents are committed to the academic success of their children, working-class parents have fewer chances to provide the help that children need to complete homework 63 , and homework is more beneficial for children from upper-middle class families than for children from working-class families 64 , 65 .

School closures amplify the impact of cultural inequalities

The trends described above have been observed in ‘normal’ times when schools are open. School closures, by making learning rely more strongly on practices implemented at home (rather than at school), are likely to amplify the impact of these disparities. Consistent with this idea, research has shown that the social class achievement gap usually greatly widens during school breaks—a phenomenon described as ‘summer learning loss’ or ‘summer setback’ 66 , 67 , 68 . During holidays, the learning by children tends to decline, and this is particularly pronounced in children from working-class families. Consequently, the social class achievement gap grows more rapidly during the summer months than it does in the rest of the year. This phenomenon is partly explained by the fact that during the break from school, social class disparities in investment in activities that are beneficial for academic achievement (for example, reading, travelling to a foreign country or museum visits) are more pronounced.

Therefore, when they are out of school, children from upper/middle-class backgrounds may continue to develop academic skills unlike their working-class counterparts, who may stagnate or even regress. Research also indicates that learning loss during school breaks tends to be cumulative 66 . Thus, repeated episodes of school closure are likely to have profound consequences for the social class achievement gap. Consistent with the idea that school closures could lead to similar processes as those identified during summer breaks, a recent survey indicated that during the COVID-19 lockdown in the United Kingdom, children from upper/middle-class families spent more time on educational activities (5.8 h per day) than those from working-class families (4.5 h per day) 7 , 69 .

Unequal dispositions for autonomy and self-regulation

School closures have encouraged autonomous work among students. This ‘independent’ way of studying is compatible with the family socialization of upper/middle-class students, but does not match the interdependent norms more commonly associated with working-class contexts 9 . Upper/middle-class contexts tend to promote cultural norms of independence whereby individuals perceive themselves as autonomous actors, independent of other individuals and of the social context, able to pursue their own goals 70 . For example, upper/middle-class parents tend to invite children to express their interests, preferences and opinions during the various activities of everyday life 54 , 55 . Conversely, in working-class contexts characterized by low economic resources and where life is more uncertain, individuals tend to perceive themselves as interdependent, connected to others and members of social groups 53 , 70 , 71 . This interdependent self-construal fits less well with the independent culture of academic contexts. This cultural mismatch between interdependent self-construal common in working-class students and the independent norms of the educational institution has negative consequences for academic performance 9 .

Once again, the impact of these differences is likely to be amplified during school closures, when being able to work alone and autonomously is especially useful. The requirement to work alone is more likely to match the independent self-construal of upper/middle-class students than the interdependent self-construal of working-class students. In the case of working-class students, this mismatch is likely to increase their difficulties in working alone at home. Supporting our argument, recent research has shown that working-class students tend to underachieve in contexts where students work individually compared with contexts where students work with others 72 . Similarly, during school closures, high self-regulation skills (for example, setting goals, selecting appropriate learning strategies and maintaining motivation 73 ) are required to maintain study activities and are likely to be especially useful for using digital resources efficiently. Research has shown that students from working-class backgrounds typically develop their self-regulation skills to a lesser extent than those from upper/middle-class backgrounds 74 , 75 , 76 .

Interestingly, some authors have suggested that independent (versus interdependent) self-construal may also affect communication with teachers 77 . Indeed, in the context of distance learning, working-class families are less likely to respond to the communication of teachers because their ‘interdependent’ self leads them to respect hierarchies, and thus perceive teachers as an expert who ‘can be trusted to make the right decisions for learning’. Upper/middle class families, relying on ‘independent’ self-construal, are more inclined to seek individualized feedback, and therefore tend to participate to a greater extent in exchanges with teachers. Such cultural differences are important because they can also contribute to the difficulties encountered by working-class families.

The structural divide: unequal support from schools

The issues reviewed thus far all increase the vulnerability of children and students from underprivileged backgrounds when schools are closed. To offset these disadvantages, it might be expected that the school should increase its support by providing additional resources for working-class students. However, recent data suggest that differences in the material and human resources invested in providing educational support for children during periods of school closure were—paradoxically—in favour of upper/middle-class students (Fig. 1 ). In England, for example, upper/middle-class parents reported benefiting from online classes and video-conferencing with teachers more often than working-class parents 10 . Furthermore, active help from school (for example, online teaching, private tutoring or chats with teachers) occurred more frequently in the richest households (64% of the richest households declared having received help from school) than in the poorest households (47%). Another survey found that in the United Kingdom, upper/middle-class children were more likely to take online lessons every day (30%) than working-class students (16%) 12 . This substantial difference might be due, at least in part, to the fact that private schools are better equipped in terms of online platforms (60% of schools have at least one online platform) than state schools (37%, and 23% in the most deprived schools) and were more likely to organize daily online lessons. Similarly, in the United Kingdom, in schools with a high proportion of students eligible for free school meals, teachers were less inclined to broadcast an online lesson for their pupils 78 . Interestingly, 58% of teachers in the wealthiest areas reported having messaged their students or their students’ parents during lockdown compared with 47% in the most deprived schools. In addition, the probability of children receiving technical support from the school (for example, by providing pupils with laptops or other devices) is, surprisingly, higher in the most advantaged schools than in the most deprived 78 .

In addition to social class disparities, there has been less support from schools for African-American and Latinx students. During school closures in the United States, 40% of African-American students and 30% of Latinx students received no online teaching compared with 10% of white students 79 . Another source of inequality is that the probability of school closure was correlated with social class and race. In the United States, for example, school closures from September to December 2020 were more common in schools with a high proportion of racial/ethnic minority students, who experience homelessness and are eligible for free/discounted school meals 80 .

Similarly, access to educational resources and support was lower in poorer (compared with richer) countries 81 . In sub-Saharan Africa, during lockdown, 45% of children had no exposure at all to any type of remote learning. Of those who did, the medium was mostly radio, television or paper rather than digital. In African countries, at most 10% of children received some material through the Internet. In Latin America, 90% of children received some remote learning, but less than half of that was through the internet—the remainder being via radio and television 81 . In Ecuador, high-school students from the lowest wealth quartile had fewer remote-learning opportunities, such as Google class/Zoom, than students from the highest wealth quartile 31 .

Thus, the achievement gap and its accentuation during lockdown are due not only to the cultural and digital disadvantages of working-class families but also to unequal support from schools. This inequality in school support is not due to teachers being indifferent to or even supportive of social stratification. Rather, we believe that these effects are fundamentally structural. In many countries, schools located in upper/middle-class neighbourhoods have more money than those in the poorest neighbourhoods. Moreover, upper/middle-class parents invest more in the schools of their children than working-class parents (for example, see ref. 82 ), and schools have an interest in catering more for upper/middle-class families than for working-class families 83 . Additionally, the expectation of teachers may be lower for working-class children 84 . For example, they tend to estimate that working-class students invest less effort in learning than their upper/middle-class counterparts 85 . These differences in perception may have influenced the behaviour of teachers during school closure, such that teachers in privileged neighbourhoods provided more information to students because they expected more from them in term of effort and achievement. The fact that upper/middle-class parents are better able than working-class parents to comply with the expectations of teachers (for examples, see refs. 55 , 86 ) may have reinforced this phenomenon. These discrepancies echo data showing that working-class students tend to request less help in their schoolwork than upper/middle-class ones 87 , and they may even avoid asking for help because they believe that such requests could lead to reprimands 88 . During school closures, these students (and their families) may in consequence have been less likely to ask for help and resources. Jointly, these phenomena have resulted in upper/middle-class families receiving more support from schools during lockdown than their working-class counterparts.

Psychological effects of digital, cultural and structural divides

Despite being strongly influenced by social class, differences in academic achievement are often interpreted by parents, teachers and students as reflecting differences in ability 89 . As a result, upper/middle-class students are usually perceived—and perceive themselves—as smarter than working-class students, who are perceived—and perceive themselves—as less intelligent 90 , 91 , 92 or less able to succeed 93 . Working-class students also worry more about the fact that they might perform more poorly than upper/middle-class students 94 , 95 . These fears influence academic learning in important ways. In particular, they can consume cognitive resources when children and students work on academic tasks 96 , 97 . Self-efficacy also plays a key role in engaging in learning and perseverance in the face of difficulties 13 , 98 . In addition, working-class students are those for whom the fear of being outperformed by others is the most negatively related to academic performance 99 .

The fact that working-class children and students are less familiar with the tasks set by teachers, and less well equipped and supported, makes them more likely to experience feelings of incompetence (Fig. 1 ). Working-class parents are also more likely than their upper/middle-class counterparts to feel unable to help their children with schoolwork. Consistent with this, research has shown that both working-class students and parents have lower feelings of academic self-efficacy than their upper/middle-class counterparts 100 , 101 . These differences have been documented under ‘normal’ conditions but are likely to be exacerbated during distance learning. Recent surveys conducted during the school closures have confirmed that upper/middle-class families felt better able to support their children in distance learning than did working-class families 10 and that upper/middle-class parents helped their children more and felt more capable to do so 11 , 12 .

Pandemic disparity, future directions and recommendations

The research reviewed thus far suggests that children and their families are highly unequal with respect to digital access, skills and use. It also shows that upper/middle-class students are more likely to be supported in their homework (by their parents and teachers) than working-class students, and that upper/middle-class students and parents will probably feel better able than working-class ones to adapt to the context of distance learning. For all these reasons, we anticipate that as a result of school closures, the COVID-19 pandemic will substantially increase the social class achievement gap. Because school closures are a recent occurrence, it is too early to measure with precision their effects on the widening of the achievement gap. However, some recent data are consistent with this idea.

Evidence for a widening gap during the pandemic

Comparing academic achievement in 2020 with previous years provides an early indication of the effects of school closures during the pandemic. In France, for example, first and second graders take national evaluations at the beginning of the school year. Initial comparisons of the results for 2020 with those from previous years revealed that the gap between schools classified as ‘priority schools’ (those in low-income urban areas) and schools in higher-income neighbourhoods—a gap observed every year—was particularly pronounced in 2020 in both French and mathematics 102 .

Similarly, in the Netherlands, national assessments take place twice a year. In 2020, they took place both before and after school closures. A recent analysis compared progress during this period in 2020 in mathematics/arithmetic, spelling and reading comprehension for 7–11-year-old students within the same period in the three previous years 103 . Results indicated a general learning loss in 2020. More importantly, for the 8% of working-class children, the losses were 40% greater than they were for upper/middle-class children.

Similar results were observed in Belgium among students attending the final year of primary school. Compared with students from previous cohorts, students affected by school closures experienced a substantial decrease in their mathematics and language scores, with children from more disadvantaged backgrounds experiencing greater learning losses 104 . Likewise, oral reading assessments in more than 100 school districts in the United States showed that the development of this skill among children in second and third grade significantly slowed between Spring and Autumn 2020, but this slowdown was more pronounced in schools from lower-achieving districts 105 .

It is likely that school closures have also amplified racial disparities in learning and achievement. For example, in the United States, after the first lockdown, students of colour lost the equivalent of 3–5 months of learning, whereas white students were about 1–3 months behind. Moreover, in the Autumn, when some students started to return to classrooms, African-American and Latinx students were more likely to continue distance learning, despite being less likely to have access to the digital tools, Internet access and live contact with teachers 106 .

In some African countries (for example, Ethiopia, Kenya, Liberia, Tanzania and Uganda), the COVID-19 crisis has resulted in learning loss ranging from 6 months to more 1 year 107 , and this learning loss appears to be greater for working-class children (that is, those attending no-fee schools) than for upper/middle-class children 108 .

These findings show that school closures have exacerbated achievement gaps linked to social class and ethnicity. However, more research is needed to address the question of whether school closures differentially affect the learning of students from working- and upper/middle-class families.

Future directions

First, to assess the specific and unique impact of school closures on student learning, longitudinal research should compare student achievement at different times of the year, before, during and after school closures, as has been done to document the summer learning loss 66 , 109 . In the coming months, alternating periods of school closure and opening may occur, thereby presenting opportunities to do such research. This would also make it possible to examine whether the gap diminishes a few weeks after children return to in-school learning or whether, conversely, it increases with time because the foundations have not been sufficiently acquired to facilitate further learning 110 .

Second, the mechanisms underlying the increase in social class disparities during school closures should be examined. As discussed above, school closures result in situations for which students are unevenly prepared and supported. It would be appropriate to seek to quantify the contribution of each of the factors that might be responsible for accentuating the social class achievement gap. In particular, distinguishing between factors that are relatively ‘controllable’ (for example, resources made available to pupils) and those that are more difficult to control (for example, the self-efficacy of parents in supporting the schoolwork of their children) is essential to inform public policy and teaching practices.

Third, existing studies are based on general comparisons and very few provide insights into the actual practices that took place in families during school closure and how these practices affected the achievement gap. For example, research has documented that parents from working-class backgrounds are likely to find it more difficult to help their children to complete homework and to provide constructive feedback 63 , 111 , something that could in turn have a negative impact on the continuity of learning of their children. In addition, it seems reasonable to assume that during lockdown, parents from upper/middle-class backgrounds encouraged their children to engage in practices that, even if not explicitly requested by teachers, would be beneficial to learning (for example, creative activities or reading). Identifying the practices that best predict the maintenance or decline of educational achievement during school closures would help identify levers for intervention.

Finally, it would be interesting to investigate teaching practices during school closures. The lockdown in the spring of 2020 was sudden and unexpected. Within a few days, teachers had to find a way to compensate for the school closure, which led to highly variable practices. Some teachers posted schoolwork on platforms, others sent it by email, some set work on a weekly basis while others set it day by day. Some teachers also set up live sessions in large or small groups, providing remote meetings for questions and support. There have also been variations in the type of feedback given to students, notably through the monitoring and correcting of work. Future studies should examine in more detail what practices schools and teachers used to compensate for the school closures and their effects on widening, maintaining or even reducing the gap, as has been done for certain specific literacy programmes 112 as well as specific instruction topics (for example, ecology and evolution 113 ).

Practical recommendations

We are aware of the debate about whether social science research on COVID-19 is suitable for making policy decisions 114 , and we draw attention to the fact that some of our recommendations (Table 1 ) are based on evidence from experiments or interventions carried out pre-COVID while others are more speculative. In any case, we emphasize that these suggestions should be viewed with caution and be tested in future research. Some of our recommendations could be implemented in the event of new school closures, others only when schools re-open. We also acknowledge that while these recommendations are intended for parents and teachers, their implementation largely depends on the adoption of structural policies. Importantly, given all the issues discussed above, we emphasize the importance of prioritizing, wherever possible, in-person learning over remote learning 115 and where this is not possible, of implementing strong policies to support distance learning, especially for disadvantaged families.

Where face-to face teaching is not possible and teachers are responsible for implementing distance learning, it will be important to make them aware of the factors that can exacerbate inequalities during lockdown and to provide them with guidance about practices that would reduce these inequalities. Thus, there is an urgent need for interventions aimed at making teachers aware of the impact of the social class of children and families on the following factors: (1) access to, familiarity with and use of digital devices; (2) familiarity with academic knowledge and skills; and (3) preparedness to work autonomously. Increasing awareness of the material, cultural and psychological barriers that working-class children and families face during lockdown should increase the quality and quantity of the support provided by teachers and thereby positively affect the achievements of working-class students.

In addition to increasing the awareness of teachers of these barriers, teachers should be encouraged to adjust the way they communicate with working-class families due to differences in self-construal compared with upper/middle-class families 77 . For example, questions about family (rather than personal) well-being would be congruent with interdependent self-construals. This should contribute to better communication and help keep a better track of the progress of students during distance learning.

It is also necessary to help teachers to engage in practices that have a chance of reducing inequalities 53 , 116 . Particularly important is that teachers and schools ensure that homework can be done by all children, for example, by setting up organizations that would help children whose parents are not in a position to monitor or assist with the homework of their children. Options include homework help groups and tutoring by teachers after class. When schools are open, the growing tendency to set homework through digital media should be resisted as far as possible given the evidence we have reviewed above. Moreover, previous research has underscored the importance of homework feedback provided by teachers, which is positively related to the amount of homework completed and predictive of academic performance 117 . Where homework is web-based, it has also been shown that feedback on web-based homework enhances the learning of students 118 . It therefore seems reasonable to predict that the social class achievement gap will increase more slowly (or even remain constant or be reversed) in schools that establish individualized monitoring of students, by means of regular calls and feedback on homework, compared with schools where the support provided to pupils is more generic.

Given that learning during lockdown has increasingly taken place in family settings, we believe that interventions involving the family are also likely to be effective 119 , 120 , 121 . Simply providing families with suitable material equipment may be insufficient. Families should be given training in the efficient use of digital technology and pedagogical support. This would increase the self-efficacy of parents and students, with positive consequences for achievement. Ideally, such training would be delivered in person to avoid problems arising from the digital divide. Where this is not possible, individualized online tutoring should be provided. For example, studies conducted during the lockdown in Botswana and Italy have shown that individual online tutoring directly targeting either parents or students in middle school has a positive impact on the achievement of students, particularly for working-class students 122 , 123 .

Interventions targeting families should also address the psychological barriers faced by working-class families and children. Some interventions have already been designed and been shown to be effective in reducing the social class achievement gap, particularly in mathematics and language 124 , 125 , 126 . For example, research showed that an intervention designed to train low-income parents in how to support the mathematical development of their pre-kindergarten children (including classes and access to a library of kits to use at home) increased the quality of support provided by the parents, with a corresponding impact on the development of mathematical knowledge of their children. Such interventions should be particularly beneficial in the context of school closure.

Beyond its impact on academic performance and inequalities, the COVID-19 crisis has shaken the economies of countries around the world, casting millions of families around the world into poverty 127 , 128 , 129 . As noted earlier, there has been a marked increase in economic inequalities, bringing with it all the psychological and social problems that such inequalities create 130 , 131 , especially for people who live in scarcity 132 . The increase in educational inequalities is just one facet of the many difficulties that working-class families will encounter in the coming years, but it is one that could seriously limit the chances of their children escaping from poverty by reducing their opportunities for upward mobility. In this context, it should be a priority to concentrate resources on the most deprived students. A large proportion of the poorest households do not own a computer and do not have personal access to the Internet, which has important consequences for distance learning. During school closures, it is therefore imperative to provide such families with adequate equipment and Internet service, as was done in some countries in spring 2020. Even if the provision of such equipment is not in itself sufficient, it is a necessary condition for ensuring pedagogical continuity during lockdown.

Finally, after prolonged periods of school closure, many students may not have acquired the skills needed to pursue their education. A possible consequence would be an increase in the number of students for whom teachers recommend class repetitions. Class repetitions are contentious. On the one hand, class repetition more frequently affects working-class children and is not efficient in terms of learning improvement 133 . On the other hand, accepting lower standards of academic achievement or even suspending the practice of repeating a class could lead to pupils pursuing their education without mastering the key abilities needed at higher grades. This could create difficulties in subsequent years and, in this sense, be counterproductive. We therefore believe that the most appropriate way to limit the damage of the pandemic would be to help children catch up rather than allowing them to continue without mastering the necessary skills. As is being done in some countries, systematic remedial courses (for example, summer learning programmes) should be organized and financially supported following periods of school closure, with priority given to pupils from working-class families. Such interventions have genuine potential in that research has shown that participation in remedial summer programmes is effective in reducing learning loss during the summer break 134 , 135 , 136 . For example, in one study 137 , 438 students from high-poverty schools were offered a multiyear summer school programme that included various pedagogical and enrichment activities (for example, science investigation and music) and were compared with a ‘no-treatment’ control group. Students who participated in the summer programme progressed more than students in the control group. A meta-analysis 138 of 41 summer learning programmes (that is, classroom- and home-based summer interventions) involving children from kindergarten to grade 8 showed that these programmes had significantly larger benefits for children from working-class families. Although such measures are costly, the cost is small compared to the price of failing to fulfil the academic potential of many students simply because they were not born into upper/middle-class families.

The unprecedented nature of the current pandemic means that we lack strong data on what the school closure period is likely to produce in terms of learning deficits and the reproduction of social inequalities. However, the research discussed in this article suggests that there are good reasons to predict that this period of school closures will accelerate the reproduction of social inequalities in educational achievement.

By making school learning less dependent on teachers and more dependent on families and digital tools and resources, school closures are likely to greatly amplify social class inequalities. At a time when many countries are experiencing second, third or fourth waves of the pandemic, resulting in fresh periods of local or general lockdowns, systematic efforts to test these predictions are urgently needed along with steps to reduce the impact of school closures on the social class achievement gap.

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Acknowledgements

We thank G. Reis for editing the figure. The writing of this manuscript was supported by grant ANR-19-CE28-0007–PRESCHOOL from the French National Research Agency (S.G.).

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Goudeau, S., Sanrey, C., Stanczak, A. et al. Why lockdown and distance learning during the COVID-19 pandemic are likely to increase the social class achievement gap. Nat Hum Behav 5 , 1273–1281 (2021). https://doi.org/10.1038/s41562-021-01212-7

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T ens of millions of students may now be months or, in some cases, even a full year behind because they couldn’t attend school in person during the pandemic.

Significant setbacks are especially likely for the most vulnerable students — kids with disabilities and those living in poverty, who didn’t have a computer, a reliable internet connection or a workspace to learn at home. Educators will have to do something different for the 2021-22 school year to make up for those losses.

Schools are already spending big chunks of their approximately $190 billion in pandemic relief money on a range of strategies from afterschool programs to cutting class size. But research shows that many of these ideas have had a spotty track record in the past and that schools will have to pay close attention to what’s worked — and what hasn’t — to maximize their odds for success with just about any strategy. There’s no silver bullet. And the pandemic’s fits and starts in instruction are unprecedented in the history of American public education and have affected students unevenly.

No catch-up strategy can possibly benefit all students. But studies do point toward which strategies are most effective, how they can best be implemented — and what approaches might be a waste of time and money. Here’s a rundown of the most relevant research.

Research points to intensive daily tutoring as one of the most effective ways to help academically struggling children catch up. A seminal 2016 study sorted through almost 200 well-designed experiments on improving education, from expanding preschool to reducing class size, and found that frequent one-to-one tutoring was especially effective in increasing learning rates for low-performing students.

Education researchers have a particular kind of tutoring in mind, what they call “high-dosage” tutoring. Studies show it has produced big achievement gains for students when the tutoring occurs every day or almost every day. Less frequent tutoring, by contrast, was not as helpful as many other types of educational interventions. In the research literature, the tutors are specially trained and coached and adhere to a detailed curriculum with clear steps on how to work with one or two students at a time. The best results occur when tutoring takes place at school during the regular day.

“It’s not once-a-week homework help,” said Jonathan Guryan, an economist at Northwestern University who has evaluated school tutoring programs.

A 2020 review of 100 tutoring programs found that intensive tutoring is particularly helpful at improving students’ reading skills during the early elementary years, and most effective in math for slightly older children. One 2021 study found tutoring led to strong math gains for even high school students , enabling those who started two years behind grade level to catch up.

Not all tutoring has been successful. When the No Child Left Behind law was first passed in 2001, schools got extra money to tutor students who were behind. But there were many reports of tutoring fraud and fiascos . Sometimes tutors weren’t properly trained and there wasn’t a clear curriculum. Often when tutoring was scheduled after school, many students didn’t show up.

Even thoughtfully designed tutoring programs can fail. A randomized control trial of math tutoring for fourth through eighth grade students in Minnesota was a flop . There have been other disappointments too.

In effective math programs, for example, tutors don’t simply reteach the previous year’s lessons. Instead, tutors know what is being taught in the students’ regular classes that week and give their students extra practice on those topics or review prerequisite concepts. Much as corporate America relies on just-in-time deliveries, several effective tutoring programs rely on just-in-time review. Determining what those key underlying concepts are isn’t obvious; curriculum experts need to be involved to create materials that guide tutors on how to diagnose each student’s knowledge gaps and what to teach each student.

In a successful algebra tutoring program in Chicago, researchers highlighted how effective it was for tutors to be able to pull different practice problems to match each student’s weaknesses.

To accomplish this, the tutors themselves don’t need to be highly trained educators, but they do need training, coaching and monitoring. The late Robert Slavin, a researcher at Johns Hopkins University, calculated that college-educated teaching assistants produced learning gains that were at least as high as those produced by certified teachers and sometimes larger. Even paid volunteers , such as AmeriCorps members working as tutors, were able to produce strong results, Slavin found.

The question, of course, is whether we can recruit and train enough tutors to meet the need right now. That’s ambitious but at least there’s evidence for this approach.

Afterschool

Afterschool programs might seem like a good idea because they give teachers extra time to cover material that students missed last year. But getting students to attend faithfully is a chronic problem. For students who attend regularly, high quality afterschool programs sometimes produce reading or math gains, but many programs operate with poorly trained teachers and lessons that are disconnected from what students are learning in class. When researchers look across studies, they usually don’t see meaningful gains in reading or math achievement.

Summer school programs don’t fare well in evaluations either. Kids don’t want to miss out on outdoor fun with their friends and often don’t show up.

Afterschool programs appear to be better at improving students’ social wellbeing. A meta-analysis of 68 studies of afterschool programs by the Collaborative for Academic, Social and Emotional Learning found that students participating in an afterschool program improved their school-day attendance and were less likely to engage in drug use or problem behavior.

Another option is to make afterschool hours mandatory by extending the school day for everyone. That has worked well when the extra time is used for tutoring. But research evaluations have also shown longer school days can be an academic bust. Schools don’t always use the extra time effectively with well-designed classes targeted at students’ specific academic gaps. And learning is taxing; students’ brains might need a break after almost seven hours of classes.

Repeating a grade, what educators call retention, might make intuitive sense, especially for students who missed most of the past year at school and weren’t able to engage with online instruction. Before the pandemic, research outcomes for retention were generally miserable . Having students do the same thing twice didn’t help. A successful exception was shown in a study of a Florida program in which the most commonly repeated year, third grade, was accompanied by tutoring and extra support . It’s possible that these students would have fared just as well, or better, if they had received tutoring and proceeded to fourth grade. We don’t have a study to test that.

It’s not clear if the retention research is a good guide right now. We don’t really know how students will fare if they repeat a year in-person that they effectively missed because they were learning remotely. However, educators point out that being held back is demoralizing and many students lose their enthusiasm for school. Even if students are told that it’s not their fault that they are repeating, they may be discouraged to see classmates move on while they are being left behind. And a discouraged child isn’t going to be open to learning.

Remedial Classes

Historically, remedial classes have been a bust. The argument for them is that teachers can give lower-achieving students the correct level of instruction so that the students aren’t overwhelmed in classes that are too challenging for them. But in practice, students often don’t progress in remedial classes. Instead, they get stuck at the bottom, learning less each year and falling further and further behind the rest of their classmates.

Online credit recovery classes, which allow students to retake classes that they have failed, have been popular with high school administrators in recent years. Studies show that students are more likely to pass a course when they can click their way through it, and such classes are helping more students graduate from high school, but students do not seem to improve their academic skills as much as they would in face-to-face classes.

One promising approach is to assign students who are far behind to both a remedial class and a grade-level class simultaneously. This double-dosing strategy has spread rapidly at community colleges but hasn’t been studied as much in elementary, middle or high schools. One evaluation of double-dosing in algebra found that it worked in Chicago high schools but not in middle school math in Miami . Refinement and further study are warranted.

Acceleration

Teachers know that students in remedial classes get discouraged and lose their motivation to learn. This year, an anti-remediation sentiment has spread quickly among educators, who’ve adopted a mantra: “Accelerate, don’t remediate.” What they mean by acceleration is fuzzy. Teachers at one elementary school in Washington state described it as promoting kids to grade-level material with extra support, such as a preprinted multiplication table to help them follow along in class, while also asking teachers to somehow find time to do catch-up review when breaking the class into small groups. A charter school network recently described acceleration as interweaving review material with grade-level content .

A May 2021 report by a nonprofit online math provider, Zearn, found that students learned more math during the 2020-21 school year when truncated review material was woven into grade-level lessons than when they were retaught many of the previous year’s lessons. This comparison of the two approaches using education technology is promising, but more research is needed.

The extra review material can push out some topics that would traditionally be taught this coming year. Though called acceleration, in practice, it can mean teaching less and slowing down the pace.

Looking Ahead

Educators have a lot of work ahead of them.

Students will need to be frequently assessed to figure out their individual gaps. Teachers are going to need a lot more planning time for lesson plans. And schools also need strategies to help students move past the trauma of the past two years, including more counselors, because students cannot learn well when they are coping with Covid-19 deaths in the family and struggling with problems at home.

The influx of pandemic money is enticing school systems to spend it on things that they wanted to do long before the pandemic and call it a pandemic response. Reducing class sizes is popular, but it’s very expensive to hire more teachers and build more classrooms, and the research shows that you often don’t get a big academic bang for the buck.

Our education system has never been good at helping students who are behind catch up. If schools instead embrace the research — adding tutoring for the students who are most behind and testing promising ideas for others — adversity and crisis could lead to lasting, progressive change.

Jill Barshay is a staff writer and editor at The Hechinger Report, where she writes the weekly “Proof Points” column about education research and data.

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Disruptions to School and Home Life Among High School Students During the COVID-19 Pandemic — Adolescent Behaviors and Experiences Survey, United States, January–June 2021

Supplements / April 1, 2022 / 71(3);28–34

Kathleen H. Krause, PhD 1 ; Jorge V. Verlenden, PhD 1 ; Leigh E. Szucs, PhD 1 ; Elizabeth A. Swedo, MD 2 ; Caitlin L. Merlo, MPH 3 ; Phyllis Holditch Niolon, PhD 2 ; Zanie C. Leroy, MD 3 ; Valerie M. Sims, MA 1 ; Xiaoyi Deng, MS 4 ; Sarah Lee, PhD 3 ; Catherine N. Rasberry, PhD 1 ; J. Michael Underwood, PhD 1 ( View author affiliations )

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Introduction, limitations, acknowledgment.

Youths have experienced disruptions to school and home life since the COVID-19 pandemic began in March 2020. During January–June 2021, CDC conducted the Adolescent Behaviors and Experiences Survey (ABES), an online survey of a probability-based, nationally representative sample of U.S. public- and private-school students in grades 9–12 (N = 7,705). ABES data were used to estimate the prevalence of disruptions and adverse experiences during the pandemic, including parental and personal job loss, homelessness, hunger, emotional or physical abuse by a parent or other adult at home, receipt of telemedicine, and difficulty completing schoolwork. Prevalence estimates are presented for all students and by sex, race and ethnicity, grade, sexual identity, and difficulty completing schoolwork. Since the beginning of the pandemic, more than half of students found it more difficult to complete their schoolwork (66%) and experienced emotional abuse by a parent or other adult in their home (55%). Prevalence of emotional and physical abuse by a parent or other adult in the home was highest among students who identified as gay, lesbian, or bisexual (74% emotional abuse and 20% physical abuse) and those who identified as other or questioning (76% and 13%) compared with students who identified as heterosexual (50% and 10%). Overall, students experienced insecurity via parental job loss (29%), personal job loss (22%), and hunger (24%). Disparities by sex and by race and ethnicity also were noted. Understanding health disparities and student disruptions and adverse experiences as interconnected problems can inform school and community initiatives that promote adolescent health and well-being. With community support to provide coordinated, cross-sector programming, schools can facilitate linkages to services that help students address the adverse experiences that they faced during the ongoing COVID-19 pandemic. Public health and health care professionals, communities, schools, families, and adolescents can use these findings to better understand how students’ lives have been affected during the pandemic and what challenges need to be addressed to promote adolescent health and well-being during and after the pandemic.

Youths have experienced disruptions to school and home life since the COVID-19 pandemic began in March 2020 ( 1 ). The COVID-19 pandemic has disrupted the lives of adolescents by creating or exacerbating economic, food and nutrition, and housing insecurity as well as experiences of abuse, all of which negatively affect health and well-being ( 2 , 3 ). Racial and ethnic discrimination is a social determinant of health ( 4 ), and existing health disparities persisted or worsened during the pandemic. For example, American Indian or Alaska Native, Black, and Hispanic or Latino populations typically experienced higher rates of morbidity and mortality and economic vulnerability compared with the White population before the pandemic and also were more likely than the White population to experience morbidity and mortality from COVID-19 and economic vulnerability during the pandemic ( 5 ). Adolescents experienced disruptions to education and accessing health care, although schools and health care providers shifted rapidly to virtual platforms and telemedicine to continue providing services ( 6 ).

To date, no study has assessed national prevalence of disruptions and adverse experiences experienced by high school students during the COVID-19 pandemic. This study addresses this knowledge gap by estimating the prevalence of disruptions and adverse experiences during the pandemic, overall and by sex, race and ethnicity, grade, and sexual identity. Public health and health care professionals, communities, schools, families, and adolescents can use these findings to better understand how students’ lives have been affected during the pandemic and what challenges need to be addressed to promote adolescent health and well-being during and after the pandemic.

Data Source

This report includes data from the Adolescent Behaviors and Experiences Survey (ABES) conducted by CDC during January–June 2021 to assess student behaviors and experiences during the COVID-19 pandemic. ABES was a one-time, probability-based online survey of U.S. high school students. ABES used a stratified, three-stage cluster sample to obtain a nationally representative sample of public- and private-school students in grades 9–12 in the 50 U.S. states and the District of Columbia (N = 7,705). Participation in ABES was voluntary; each school and teacher decided whether students completed the survey during instructional time or on their own time. Additional information about ABES sampling, data collection, response rates, and processing is available in the overview report of this supplement ( 7 ). The ABES questionnaire, datasets, and documentation are available ( https://www.cdc.gov/healthyyouth/data/abes.htm ).

Students’ self-reported disruptions and adverse experiences were assessed ( Table 1 ), including economic, food and nutrition, and housing insecurity; abuse by a parent or other adult in the home (hereafter referred to as abuse by a parent); receipt of telemedicine; and difficulty completing schoolwork. All questions included the timeframe “During the COVID-19 pandemic,” except for the question about housing insecurity, which asked about experiencing homelessness during the previous 30 days. Demographic variables included sex, race and ethnicity (non-Hispanic American Indian or Alaska Native, non-Hispanic Asian [Asian], non-Hispanic Black [Black], Hispanic or Latino [Hispanic], non-Hispanic persons of multiple races [multiracial], non-Hispanic Native Hawaiian or other Pacific Islander [NH/OPI], and non-Hispanic White [White]), grade (9–12), and sexual identity (gay, lesbian, or bisexual; other or questioning; or heterosexual).

Weighted prevalence estimates and 95% CIs were calculated for disruptions and adverse experiences; estimates were calculated among all students and by demographic characteristics. Bivariate associations between disruptions and adverse experiences and difficulty completing schoolwork are presented. Pairwise t -tests were used to compare prevalence estimates between groups. Estimates were suppressed when n<30; consequently, all results for NH/OPI students were suppressed. Statistical significance was assessed at p<0.05; only significant results are presented. Analyses were completed using SUDAAN (version 11.0.1; RTI International) to account for the complex survey design and weighting.

More than one fourth of adolescents experienced a parent losing a job (28.5%), and nearly one fourth experienced their own job loss (22.3%) or hunger (23.8%) during the COVID-19 pandemic ( Table 2 ). Some experienced homelessness (2.0%). Over half of adolescents experienced emotional abuse by a parent (55.1%), and more than one in 10 experienced physical abuse by a parent (11.3%). Approximately one fourth of students received telemedicine from a doctor or nurse (25.8%), and some received telemedicine for mental health or drug and alcohol counseling (8.5%). Two thirds of students had difficulty completing their schoolwork since the start of the pandemic (66.6%).

Student disruptions and adverse experiences differed by sex and race and ethnicity. Female students experienced a higher prevalence of parental and personal job loss (31.3% and 25.5%), emotional abuse by a parent (62.8%), and difficulty completing schoolwork (69.1%) compared with male students; whereas males experienced homelessness (3.0%) more often. The prevalence of parental job loss was higher among Asian (37.1%) and Hispanic or Latino (38.0%) students compared with all other racial and ethnic groups. Black students experienced the highest prevalence of hunger (32.0%); this estimate is similar to other students of color. White students had the lowest prevalence of experiencing hunger (18.5%), which differed from most other racial and ethnic groups. Multiracial students reported the highest prevalence of emotional abuse by a parent (65.5%), which differed from most other racial and ethnic groups. Black students experienced the highest prevalence of physical abuse by a parent (15.0%); this estimate did not differ from most other students of color, but it was higher than the prevalence of physical abuse experienced by White students (9.8%). Students who reported difficulty completing their schoolwork reported a higher percentage of parental job loss, hunger, or emotional abuse by a parent compared with students who did not have difficulty completing their schoolwork ( Table 3 ).

Students who identified as gay, lesbian, or bisexual and those who identified as other or questioning experienced a higher prevalence of parental job loss (34.9% and 34.9%, respectively), hunger (34.0% and 32.5%, respectively), and emotional abuse by a parent (74.4% and 75.9%, respectively) compared with heterosexual students ( Figure ) (Supplementary Table, https://stacks.cdc.gov/view/cdc/114936 ). Gay, lesbian, or bisexual students experienced a higher prevalence of physical abuse by a parent and difficulty completing their schoolwork (19.7% and 74.4%, respectively) than students who identified as other or questioning (13.4% and 63.8%, respectively) or as heterosexual (9.5% and 65.9%, respectively).

During January–June 2021, approximately half of high school students in the United States reported emotional abuse by a parent or reported difficulty completing their schoolwork since the COVID-19 pandemic began in March 2020. In addition, nearly one in four students reported experiencing hunger or economic insecurity and one in 10 students reported physical abuse by a parent. These findings indicate that adolescents have encountered disruptions and adverse experiences during the pandemic that might impact their immediate and long-term health and well-being.

The finding that more than half of adolescents reported emotional abuse and one in 10 reported physical abuse by a parent or other adult in the home during the pandemic is a public health concern; comparatively, a nationally representative sample from the National Survey of Children’s Exposure to Violence (NSCEV)reported a lower proportion of children aged 14–17 years (13.9% for past-year emotional abuse and 5.5% for past-year physical abuse by a caregiver) ( 8 ). Although these differences might be attributable in part to variations in sampling frame, methodology (e.g., NSCEV is not school based and is administered by telephone) and question wording, the high prevalence of self-reported emotional and physical abuse during the pandemic highlights that increased stress contributes to violence. The situation is further complicated by the fact that school closings because of COVID-19 have resulted in students’ decreased contact with mandated reporters ( 9 ); therefore, the self-reported data in this report are critically important to elucidate the occurrence of child abuse during the pandemic and underscores the need for enhanced violence surveillance and prevention strategies during public health emergencies.

Disparities in experiences of disruption and adversity were observed by sexual identity, race and ethnicity, and sex. Students identifying as gay, lesbian, or bisexual, other or questioning; students of color;,and female students more commonly had disruptions and adverse experiences compared with heterosexual, White, and male students, respectively. Among any demographic grouping, youths who identified as gay, lesbian, or bisexual and other or questioning experienced the highest levels of emotional and physical abuse by a parent. Per analyzed chat transcripts from national online LGBTQ+ support groups for youth, adolescents identifying as lesbian, gay, bisexual, or questioning have been struggling with isolation during the COVID-19 pandemic and coping with family dynamics described as “unsupportive” and “homophobic” ( 10 ). Disparities based on race and ethnicity and sex have been documented throughout the pandemic. Previous research shows that during the pandemic, Black and Hispanic or Latino students were more likely to be in households experiencing food and nutrition insecurity, difficulty paying rent, and difficulty affording household expenses compared with White students ( 11 ), and that approximately two thirds of female adolescents reported an increase in household chores during the pandemic compared with less than half (43%) of the boys, and more girls (20%) compared with boys (10%) reported having too many chores to do to be able to learn ( 12 ).

Many student disruptions and adverse experiences in this report are interconnected with the social determinants of health. Previous research shows that disparities based on race and ethnicity and sex existed among persons who experienced economic, food and nutrition, or housing insecurity before the pandemic, and these persons had a greater likelihood of experiencing these insecurities during the pandemic ( 13 ). In addition, financial and social stressors of the COVID-19 pandemic have been documented as risk factors for increased child abuse ( 9 ). Finally, the bivariate analysis provides evidence that these experiences are interconnected; students who had difficulty completing their schoolwork experienced higher levels of parental job loss, food and nutrition insecurity, and emotional abuse.

One in four students reported using telemedicine to access care from a doctor or nurse and less than one in 10 reported using telemedicine to access mental health or drug and alcohol counseling, with differences by sex and race and ethnicity; White and multiracial students and female students using telemedicine more than other groups. Given the paucity of data on adolescent use of telemedicine, the context for the telemedicine findings of this report remains unclear. Telemedicine might serve as an alternative access point for adolescents seeking essential health services that might address disruptions and adverse experiences, but data describing adolescents’ prepandemic telemedicine use are lacking. A study using data from four major U.S. telehealth providers found that use of telemedicine decreased slightly among youths aged 5–17 years at the start of the pandemic in early 2020 (8.6%) compared with early 2019 (10.0%) ( 6 ), which reflects a lower use than what was found in this report. Future studies could help researchers better understand the range of telemedicine services received and quality of care.

Two thirds of adolescents had difficulty completing their schoolwork since the beginning of the pandemic. These findings are consistent with previous research, which indicates that throughout the COVID-19 pandemic, adolescents have had difficulty transitioning to virtual learning, reporting inconsistencies in school coursework expectations, and confusion about complex and complicated assignments ( 14 ). Students who had difficulty completing their schoolwork experienced higher levels of emotional abuse by a parent, parental job loss, and hunger. These disruptions and adverse experiences threaten adolescents’ health and safety in addition to acting as barriers to learning. Learning is fostered in environments where students’ basic needs are met and where students feel safe, supported, challenged, and engaged ( 15 ). Before the pandemic, schools offered essential health services and social supports, such as school meals, chronic disease management, and mental health counseling; however, the pandemic has challenged the ability of schools to meet students’ evolving academic and health needs ( 16 ).

Schools offer an important pathway to help address the needs of students, but they rely on coordinated efforts across sectors to meet these needs. Prioritization of school health programs and services within schools, in collaboration with families and communities, will be critical to address disruptions to student life and other related effects of the pandemic ( 17 ). For example, during the pandemic, the U.S. Department of Agriculture issued multiple waivers that permitted schools flexibility in distributing free meals to school-aged youths, regardless of family income level, through June 2022 ( 18 ). In addition to traditional meal service in schools, meals are also being distributed in alternative locations, including along school bus routes and in school parking lots and churches ( 18 ). Coordinated, cross-sector programs and services like these are important for providing continued support for students in their lives both inside and outside of school.

General limitations to ABES are outlined in the overview report in this supplement ( 7 ). The findings in this report are subject to at least three specific limitations First, causality or directionality of observed association cannot be determined; although the questions about disruption and adversity ask students about what happened to them during the pandemic (e.g., temporaility associated), it cannot be ascertained that the pandemic caused these student experiences. Second, the telemedicine measures should be interpreted with caution given the unknown context for students’ prepandemic use of telemedicine services. Although most students did not receive telemedicine care from a doctor or nurse since the beginning of the pandemic, students might have accessed in-person health care or might not have needed well-child or other health care visits. In addition, without knowing who provided the care or for which reason, the receipt of telemedicine for mental health or drug and alcohol counseling might not align with students’ needed access to care. Finally, the prevalence of food and nutrition insecurity might have been misclassified because self-reported hunger was used as a proxy measure and this measure has not been validated. In addition, other factors are associated with food and nutrition insecurity (e.g., reducing the size of a meal or the variety of foods consumed) ( 19 ).

Since the beginning of the COVID-19 pandemic in March 2020, many high school students have experienced hunger and economic insecurity. More than half of students have experienced emotional abuse by a parent and have had difficulty completing their schoolwork. Approximately 10% reported physical abuse by a parent. Disparities by sex, race and ethnicity, and sexual identity highlight the importance of strategies to increase health equity in these domains. Understanding health disparities and student experiences of disruptions and adverse experienes as interconnected problems can inform school and community initiatives that promote adolescent health and well-being. With community support to provide coordinated, cross-sector programming, schools can serve as the setting to facilitate linkages to services that help address the adverse experiences that students have faced during the pandemic. Public health and health care professionals, communities, schools, families, and adolescents can use these findings to better understand how students’ lives have been affected during the pandemic and what challenges need to be addressed to promote adolescent health and well-being during and after the pandemic.

Nicole Liddon.

Corresponding author: Kathleen H. Krause, PhD, Division of Adolescent and School Health, National Center for HIV, Viral Hepatitis, STD, and TB Prevention, CDC. Telephone: 404-498-5963; Email: [email protected] .

1 Division of Adolescent and School Health, National Center for HIV, Viral Hepatitis, STD, and TB Prevention, CDC; 2 Division of Violence Prevention, National Center for Injury Prevention and Control, CDC; 3 Divison of Population Health, National Center for Chronic Disease Prevention and Health Promotion, CDC; 4 ICF International, Rockville, Maryland

Conflicts of Interest

All authors have completed and submitted the International Committee of Medical Journal Editors form for disclosure of potential conflicts of interest. No potential conflicts of interest were disclosed.

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Student experience	Question	Analytic coding

Parent job loss*	During the COVID-19 pandemic, did a parent or other adult in your home lose their job even for a short amount of time?	Yes versus no
Student job loss*	During the COVID-19 pandemic, did you lose your paying job even for a short amount of time?	Yes versus no

Hunger	During the COVID-19 pandemic, how often did you go hungry because there was not enough food in your home?	Yes (rarely, sometimes, most of the time, or always) versus no (never)

Homelessness	During the past 30 days, where did you usually sleep?	Yes (in the home of a friend, family member, or other person because I had to leave my home; my parent or guardian cannot afford housing; in a shelter or emergency housing; in a motel or hotel; in a car, park, campground, or other public place; or I do not have a usual place to sleep) versus no (in my parent’s or guardian’s home)

Emotional abuse	During the COVID-19 pandemic, how often did a parent or other adult in your home swear at you, insult you, or put you down?	Yes (rarely, sometimes, most of the time, or always) versus no (never)
Physical abuse	During the COVID-19 pandemic, how often did a parent or other adult in your home hit, beat, kick, or physically hurt you in any way?	Yes (rarely, sometimes, most of the time, or always) versus no (never)

Care from a doctor or nurse	During the COVID-19 pandemic, did you get medical care from a doctor or nurse using a computer, phone, or other device (also called telemedicine)?	Yes versus no
Mental health or drug and alcohol counseling	During the COVID-19 pandemic, did you get mental health care, including treatment or counseling for your use of alcohol or drugs using a computer, phone, or other device (also called telemedicine)?	Yes versus no

Schoolwork difficulty	Do you agree or disagree that doing your schoolwork was more difficult during the COVID-19 pandemic than before the pandemic started?	Yes (strongly agree, or agree) versus no (not sure, disagree, or strongly disagree)

*The denominator includes only those who had jobs prior to the beginning of the pandemic.


Characteristic	Economic insecurity		Food and nutrition insecurity	Housing insecurity	Abuse by a parent		Received telemedicine		Schooling
	Parent job loss	Student job loss	Hunger	Homelessness	Emotional abuse	Physical abuse	Care from a doctor or nurse	Mental health or drug and alcohol counseling	Schoolwork difficulty
	%* (95% CI)	%* (95% CI)	%* (95% CI)	%* (95% CI)	%* (95% CI)*	%* (95% CI)	%* (95% CI)	%* (95% CI)	%* (95% CI)

Female	31.3 (28.9–33.9)	25.5 (22.3–29.0)	24.9 (22.1–28.0)	1.1 (0.8–1.4)	62.8 (59.5–66.1)	11.6 (10.1–13.2)	29.8 (27.1–32.7)	10.1 (8.5–11.9)	69.1 (66.0–72.0)
Male	25.6 (23.0–28.4)	19.0 (15.7–22.8)	22.7 (20.3–25.2)	3.0 (2.1–4.2)	46.8 (44.2–49.4)	10.9 (9.7–12.2)	21.7 (19.7–23.9)	6.5 (5.5–7.7)	64.1 (62.0–66.1)

AI/AN, non-Hispanic	15.7 (9.1–25.5)	—	31.2 (19.2–46.4)	1.9 (0.8–4.7)	54.9 (47.7–62.0)	12.5 (8.3–18.5)	24.1 (15.8–34.7)	7.0 (2.5–18.1)	72.4 (64.2–79.3)
Asian, non-Hispanic	37.1 (29.3–45.7)	18.7 (12.5–27)	28.3 (22.5–34.9)	2.2 (0.7–7.4)	59.2 (54.5–63.7)	12.9 (8.9–18.5)	24.7 (15.2–37.6)	3.9 (2.3–6.7)	61.7 (51.5–70.9)
Black, non-Hispanic	24.9 (21.4–28.7) **	23.6 (18.6–29.5)	32.0 (28.4–35.7)	2.5 (1.6–3.8)	49.6 (44.0–55.2)**	15.0 (11.6–19.1)	21.1 (17.8–24.9)	6.3 (4.5–8.7)	67.7 (63.3–71.7)
Hispanic or Latino	38.0 (33.9–42.2)	21.8 (17.0–27.5)	28.2 (24.1–32.7)	1.7 (1.1–2.5)	52.5 (48.0–56.9)	11.2 (9.4–13.3)	22.3 (19.1–25.8)	5.4 (4.2–7.0)	69.4 (65.4–73.1)
Multiracial, non-Hispanic	25.4 (18.8–33.4) **	25.1 (17.4–34.7)	29.5 (23.4–36.5)	1.1 (0.5–2.5)	65.5 (59.7–70.8)	13.4 (10.6–16.9)	29.7 (24.2–35.8)	15.0 (10.8–20.5) **	67.3 (60.5–73.5)
White, non-Hispanic	24.4 (22.0–27.1) **	22.2 (19.0–25.8)	18.5 (16.5–20.6)**	2.1 (1.5–2.9 )	56.4 (52.3–60.3)	9.8 (8.6–11.1)	28.8 (26.2–31.6)	10.2 (8.7–11.9)**	65.5 (63.1–67.8)

9	29.1 (24.7–33.8)	12.6 (9.5–16.6)	24.9 (21.3–28.8)	1.9 (1.3–2.7)	58.0 (54.1–61.8)	14.3 (12.1–16.7)	23.9 (21.4–26.5)	8.0 (6.4–9.9)	66.8 (63.5–69.9)
10	29.0 (26.3–31.8)	17.2 (13.9–21.0)	23.9 (20.4–27.9)	2.3 (1.4–3.6)	54.4 (51.5–57.3)	11.9 (10.0–14.0)	25.7 (22.8–28.8)	8.9 (7.4–10.8)	67.1 (63.9–70.2)
11	27.4 (24.1–31.0)	18.6 (14.8–23.0)***	23.1 (20.3–26.2)	1.6 (0.9–2.8)	53.9 (49.4–58.4)	10.6 (8.4–13.3)***	25.8 (23.1–28.7)	8.1 (6.4–10.3)	65.6 (61.9–69.2)
12	28.3 (25.0–31.8)	33.6 (29.6–37.9)***	23.3 (20.2–26.7)	2.3 (1.4–3.6)	53.8 (49.9–57.6)***	7.7 (6.4–9.3)***	28.3 (24.4–32.5)***	9.0 (7.0–11.4)	66.9 (62.6–70.9)

Abbreviation: AI/AN = American Indian or Alaska Native. * Weighted estimate. † Pairwise t -test significantly different from female students (p<0.05). § Dash indicates that results are suppressed because n<30. ¶ Pairwise t -test significantly different from non-Hispanic AI/AN students (p<0.05). ** Pairwise t -test significantly different from non-Hispanic Asian students (p<0.05). †† Pairwise t -test significantly different from non-Hispanic Black students (p<0.05). §§ Pairwise t -test significantly different from Hispanic or Latino students (p<0.05). ¶¶ Pairwise t -test significantly different from non-Hispanic multiracial students (p<0.05). *** Pairwise t -test significantly different from 9th-grade students (p<0.05). ††† Pairwise t -test significantly different from 10th-grade students (p<0.05). §§§ Pairwise t -test significantly different from 11th-grade students (p<0.05).


Experience	Experienced schoolwork difficulty
	Yes	No
	%* (95% CI)	%* (95% CI)

Parent job loss	30.9 (28.4–33.4)	23.9 (20.9–27.2)
Student job loss	23.0 (20.5–25.8)	20.7 (17.2–24.7)

Hunger	25.5 (22.9–28.2)	20.6 (18.1–23.4)

Homelessness	1.9 (1.4–2.6)	2.2 (1.5–3.1)

Emotional abuse	58.3 (55.5–61.2)	48.7 (44.9–52.5)
Physical abuse	11.3 (10.1–12.6)	11.1 (9.1–13.5)

Care from a doctor or nurse	26.3 (24.1–28.7)	24.7 (22.0–27.6)
Mental health or drug and alcohol counseling	8.1 (6.9–9.5)	9.2 (7.6–11.2)

* Weighted estimate. † Pairwise t -test significantly different from students who responded “yes” (p<0.05).

FIGURE . Percentage* of parent job loss, †,§ student job loss, hunger, †,§ homelessness, emotional abuse by a parent, †,§ physical abuse by a parent ,†,§,¶ receipt of telemedicine by a nurse or doctor, †,§ receipt of telemedicine for mental health or drug and alcohol counseling, †,§ and schoolwork difficulty †,¶ among high school students during the COVID-19 pandemic, by sexual identity — Adolescent Behaviors and Experiences Survey, United States, January–June 2021

* Weighted estimate.

† Pairwise t -test heterosexual students significantly different from gay, lesbian, or bisexual students (p<0.05).

§ Pairwise t -test heterosexual students significantly different from other or questioning students (p<0.05).

¶ Pairwise t -test other or questioning students significantly different from gay, lesbian, or bisexual students (p<0.05).

Suggested citation for this article: Krause KH, Verlenden JV, Szucs LE, et al. Disruptions to School and Home Life Among High School Students During the COVID-19 Pandemic — Adolescent Behaviors and Experiences Survey, United States, January–June 2021. MMWR Suppl 2022;71(Suppl-3):28–34. DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.15585/mmwr.su7103a5 .

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This systematic review describes the effects of COVID-19 lockdowns on children’s learning and school performance. A systematic search was conducted using three databases. A total of 1787 articles were found, and 24 articles were included. Overall, academic performance was negatively affected by COVID-19 lockdowns, with lower scores in standardized tests in the main domains compared to previous years. Academic, motivational, and socio-emotional factors contributed to lower performance. Educators, parents, and students reported disorganization, increased academic demands, and motivational and behavioral changes. Teachers and policymakers should consider these results in developing future education strategies.

1. Introduction

The Coronavirus Disease 2019 (COVID-19) pandemic has had severe global impacts, from the deaths of millions of people to worldwide economic crises. The spread of this unprecedented disease has forced communities into social isolation, changing the ways we relate and socialize with others. Since March 11, 2020, when the World Health Organization declared a global pandemic, the world has increasingly transitioned toward remote communication, placing a virtual interface between human interactions ( Cucinotta and Vanelli, 2020 ). Children have been profoundly affected by this sudden lifestyle change. With the closure of schools and colleges, learning and education have increasingly become screen-dependent, impacting children’s cognitive, social, and emotional development ( Alban Conto et al., 2021 , Haleemunnissa et al., 2021 ).

Although remote learning benefits disease control, it has augmented socioeconomic inequalities regarding access to technological resources ( Hossain, 2021 ). During the pandemic, low-income families tended to have less access to reliable internet and devices compared with high-income families in the same city ( Francis and Weller, 2022 ). Consequently, children from less privileged households spent fewer hours learning and were more likely to drop out of school ( The Lancet, 2021 , Zagalaz-Sánchez et al., 2021 ). Indeed, UNICEF reports that the impacts of the COVID-19 pandemic on children’s education in Ghana were marked by a lack of access to essential tools and learning materials (such as computers and textbooks) and inadequate conditions for effective learning (overcrowded households, poor or no access to electricity, and improper space for learning). These circumstances were more common in children living in rural and remote areas. Children with disabilities and physical or learning impairments were also affected ( Karpati et al., 2021 ). Furthermore, a lack of high-quality education impacts individuals’ health and income, as well as professional opportunities in the future, because of the bidirectional links between health and education ( The Lancet, 2021 ).

Moreover, several adverse effects of remote learning on children’s mental health have been identified, mostly related to the excessive use of electronic devices and lack of in-person contact with school classmates and teachers. These reported effects include disturbed sleep patterns, attention deficits, frustration, stress, depression, and boredom ( Xie et al., 2020 ). However, positive effects of distance learning have also been reported, such as improved competitive and motor skills ( Sundus, 2017 ). Therefore, the overall impact of school closures and remote learning remains controversial.

Remote learning has also negatively affected children’s cognitive and academic performance throughout all age groups ( Colvin et al., 2022 ). Standardized assessments during and after obligatory confinement have revealed students’ difficulties meeting grade expectations, particularly in schools with less in-person class time ( Colvin et al., 2022 ). Specific academic difficulties have been reported in mathematics, language, and reading skills. More than 1.5 million students from across the United States exhibited worse performance in mathematics and reading scores compared with the previous academic year ( Colvin et al., 2022 ).

As the death rate from COVID-19 slows, people have gradually returned to in-person businesses, and schools have begun to reopen. Current evidence still needs to be more consistent regarding the effect of remote learning on academic performance. Although remote tools may facilitate access to education and allow the development of additional learning skills, the consequences of screen-dependent learning during confinement are likely to affect children in the post-COVID-19 era, and the long-term impact remains to be seen. Therefore, the current systematic review sought to describe the effects of COVID-19 lockdowns on children’s learning abilities and school performance.

2. Materials and methods

A systematic literature search was conducted on September 24, 2021, and February 3, 2023, to identify experimental, observational, or analytical studies. The search was performed in three online databases. The following terms were used in a search of PubMed (https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/advanced/): (((((((((virtual) OR (virtually)) AND (learning)) AND (learning disorders)) AND (distance learning[MeSH Terms])) OR (distance education[MeSH Terms])) AND (pandemic[MeSH Terms])) OR (confinement)) AND (School children) AND (COVID-19)). For searching the Scopus database (https://www.scopus.com), we used the following terms: ALL ( virtual OR virtually AND learning AND learning AND disorders AND (“distance” AND “learning”) AND (“distance” AND “education”) AND (pandemic OR confinement) AND (“school” AND “children”) AND covid-19) AND (LIMIT-TO (SUBJAREA, “MEDI”) OR LIMIT-TO (SUBJAREA, “PSYC”) OR LIMIT-TO (SUBJAREA, “HEAL”) OR LIMIT-TO (SUBJAREA, “NEUR”)). Finally, for searching the Science Direct database (https://www.sciencedirect.com/search), we used the following terms: ((((((((virtual) AND (learning)) AND (learning disorders)) AND (distance learning[MeSH Terms])) OR (distance education[MeSH Terms])) AND (pandemic[MeSH Terms])) OR (confinement)) AND (school children) AND COVID-19. The ID 290696 was generated in the International Prospective Register of Systematic Reviews.

We found 1787 articles, removed duplicates, and filtered the remaining articles by title and abstract following the Preferred Reporting Items for Systematic Reviews and Meta-Analyses guidelines ( Fig. 1 ). Articles were excluded if they: (I) assessed the impact of COVID-19 lockdown on physical education, metabolic diseases, or visual impairment; (II) focused on paternal stress or adult academic performance; (III) focused on mental health or lifestyle implications caused by confinement without analyzing the association with learning abilities; (IV) were book chapters or narrative reviews; or (V) were published in languages other than Spanish, English, and French. Consequently, we selected 24 articles. All included articles were evaluated using the Joanna Briggs checklist to guarantee quality (https://jbi.global/critical-appraisal-tools). Finally, we extracted the following information: title, year of publication, authors, digital object identifier number, objectives, period of the study, period of confinement in the country of the study, evaluated learning area, population and sample, tests implemented for learning assessment, and overall results. In addition, a final question was answered for each study: “Did learning improve, stay the same, or worsen after lockdown?” All investigators participated in the data collection process and the preparation for data presentation and synthesis.

Preferred reporting items for systematic reviews and meta-analyses flow diagram.

Articles included in the review were grouped based on the primary domain of children’s learning performance examined during COVID-19 lockdowns. First, children’s academic performance was clustered in mathematics, reading, language, and biology. Second, we grouped articles that examined emotional and behavioral impacts on academic performance, and those that focused on children’s, parents’, and teachers’ recollections regarding perceptions of learning ( Table 1 ). Twelve studies were conducted in Europe ( Álvarez-Guerrero et al., 2021 , Chambonnière et al., 2021 , Engzell et al., 2020 , Giménez-Dasí et al., 2020 , Haelermans et al., 2022 , Korzycka et al., 2021 , Maldonado and Witte, 2021 , Rose et al., 2021 , Scarpellini et al., 2021 , Spitzer and Musslick, 2021 , Tomasik et al., 2021 , Zagalaz-Sánchez et al., 2021 ), followed by four in Asia ( Cui et al., 2021 , Sakarneh, 2021 , Zhang et al., 2020 , Zhao et al., 2020 ), seven in North America ( Domingue et al., 2022 , Gaudreau et al., 2020 , Goldhaber et al., 2022 , Kuhfeld et al., 2022 , Kuhfeld et al., 2020 , Maulucci and Guffey, 2020 , Relyea et al., 2023 ), and one in South America ( González et al., 2022 ) ( Supplementary table ). Regarding evaluation methods, fifteen papers used standardized tests or formative assessment, eight studies used online questionnaires or surveys, and one study used an evaluation scale. Overall, we found that worsening learning outcomes were reported in 16 studies, whereas four studies reported improvements in children’s performance in mathematics, biology, and cognitive abilities, using adaptable teaching strategies for online classes. Finally, four studies reported stable learning performance. Further discussion of each study and the results is presented below.

Articles examining the impact of remote learning during the COVID-19 pandemic.

Impact of remote learning during COVID-19 lockdowns	Domains	References
Academic performance	Mathematics	( , , , , , , , , )
	Reading	( , , , , , , , , )
	Language and spelling	( , , , , )
	Biology	( )
Emotion and behavior	Resilience	( )
	Emotional regulation	( , , , )
	Attention
	Inhibition
	Mood disorders
	Willingness to study
Population perception	Children with intellectual disabilities	( , , , )
Population perception	Children with neurotypical development	( , , , , , )

4. Discussion

4.1. effects of covid-19 lockdowns on children’s mathematics performance.

Six of the 24 studies evaluated differences in mathematical performance before and after lockdowns ( Cui et al., 2021 , Engzell et al., 2020 , Goldhaber et al., 2022 , Kuhfeld et al., 2020 , Rose et al., 2021 , Tomasik et al., 2021 ). Of these, only one study reported improved children’s academic outcomes, comparing the relative error and absolute error rates in mathematical problem sets in 2500 German students from grades 4–10 before and during school closures ( Spitzer and Musslick, 2021 ). The results revealed a positive effect of remote learning during COVID-19 lockdowns compared with the results from the previous year, particularly in students with previous lower academic achievement ( Spitzer and Musslick, 2021 ).

The other studies that evaluated students using standardized math tests in American, Swiss, Dutch, Flemish, and British schools reported mainly lower primary school scores during and after lockdowns ( Engzell et al., 2020 , Goldhaber et al., 2022 , Kuhfeld et al., 2020 , Maldonado and Witte, 2021 , Rose et al., 2021 , Tomasik et al., 2021 ). Differences in school performance varied among primary and secondary Swiss students, with the former being the most affected group ( Tomasik et al., 2021 ). Overall academic achievement was reduced in both groups, whereas only primary school students exhibited delayed learning with a distance learning system ( Tomasik et al., 2021 ). The authors proposed that cognitive, motivational, and socio-emotional effects were contributing factors ( Spitzer and Musslick, 2021 ). These findings align with projections of slower academic development after school closures in the United States ( Goldhaber et al., 2022 , Kuhfeld et al., 2020 ). A Policy Analysis for California Education report found that by the time students completed interim winter assessments in the 2020–21 school year, they had experienced a learning lag of approximately 2.6 months in English language arts (ELA) and 2.5 months in math ( Pier et al., 2021 ). Moreover, economically disadvantaged students, English learners, and students of color experienced a more significant learning lag than students not in these groups ( Goldhaber et al., 2022 , Pier et al., 2021 ).

4.2. Effects of COVID-19 Lockdowns on Children’s reading performance

Several studies in the United States, Netherlands, and England evaluated the effects of COVID-19 lockdowns on reading abilities in children ( Domingue et al., 2022 , Engzell et al., 2020 , Gaudreau et al., 2020 , Goldhaber et al., 2022 , Kuhfeld et al., 2020 , Rose et al., 2021 , Tambyraja et al., 2021 ). Engzell et al. analyzed performance in reading and comprehension of factual and literary subjects among 350,000 primary school students in national exams before and after an 8-week lockdown during the COVID-19 pandemic ( Engzell et al., 2020 ). The results revealed a post-pandemic decrease in reading performance of more than 3 % compared with pre-pandemic test results ( Engzell et al., 2020 ). Similar unfavorable results were reported by Rose et al.’s study in England during the spring and summer of 2020 ( Rose et al., 2021 ), which followed 6000 pupils for two years and evaluated learning performance using National Foundation for Educational Research standardized tests. The results revealed significantly lower reading performance in 2020 compared with a 2017 sample, with 5.2 % of students scoring two marks fewer. Moreover, reading assessments revealed a 7-month progress delay in 2020, compared with a 2019 sample ( Rose et al., 2021 ).

In the United States, Kuhfeld et al. proposed several projections regarding the impact of COVID-19 on learning patterns in 5 million students ( Kuhfeld et al., 2020 ). Data were extracted from Measures of Academic Progress Growth assessments in the previous two years. The authors made various predictions regarding best-case scenarios through to worst-case scenarios. Projections in a partial absenteeism scenario were predicted to result in 63–68 % of the expected annual learning gains in reading, whereas full absenteeism was predicted to result in less than 30 % of learning gains in reading. In addition, variability between students’ reading performance was estimated to be 1.2 times the standard deviation normally expected ( Kuhfeld et al., 2022 ).

Several studies reported that students’ socioeconomic status was a determinant factor for negative impacts on reading performance caused by COVID-19 lockdowns ( Domingue et al., 2022 , Engzell et al., 2020 , Kuhfeld et al., 2020 , Rose et al., 2021 , Tambyraja et al., 2021 ). In the United States, studies reported that students who attended high socioeconomic-status schools achieved better academic performance and had a more robust growth level than those who attended low socioeconomic-status schools or had reduced-price lunches ( Domingue et al., 2022 ). In the Netherlands, the decrease in reading learning performance was reported to be 60 % greater in children from disadvantaged homes ( Engzell et al., 2020 , Haelermans et al., 2022 ). Moreover, in England, Rose et al. reported that the gap between disadvantaged and non-disadvantaged students was 8.28 standardized points in the test, corresponding to an 8-month learning gap between the two groups ( Rose et al., 2021 ).

However, Gaudreau et al. proposed that during the COVID-19 pandemic, children’s remote vocabulary learning, and comprehension could be supported with virtual strategies designed to contribute to the educational progress of young students ( Gaudreau et al., 2020 ). The researchers evaluated reading comprehension and vocabulary learning in 58 4-year-old children under three different storytelling format conditions: live, video chat, and prerecorded storytelling. The results revealed that reading in all three formats positively stimulated verbal learning compared with children not exposed to reading, with more significant responses reported in the live and video chat conditions ( Gaudreau et al., 2020 ).

In addition, absenteeism significantly impacts students’ reading performance, indicating greater variability between children’s academic skills ( Kuhfeld et al., 2020 ). Some reading strategies used in remote learning environments may be beneficial for reading and could be implemented by teachers ( Gaudreau et al., 2020 ). Furthermore, social, and economic inequalities may contribute to gaps in reading performance between students that could last for years, requiring substantial mitigation efforts from schools and governments.

We found only a few studies conducted in other countries. Angrist et al. estimated learning losses in terms of oral reading fluency in sub-Saharan Africa from half a year to over one year in the short term, which can accumulate over time, and children might be unable to catch up. Their estimates suggest that short-term learning deficits for a child in grade 3 could accumulate to the equivalent of 2.8 years of lost learning by grade 10 ( Angrist et al., 2021 ).

4.3. Effects of COVID-19 Lockdowns on Children’s language performance

School closures caused by COVID-19 lockdowns have been reported to affect language learning negatively. Three of the 17 included studies reported reduced performance in language standardized tests compared with previous test results ( Engzell et al., 2020 , Maldonado and Witte, 2021 , Tomasik et al., 2021 ). Maldonado et al. evaluated mathematical and language scores in a Flemish school and reported lower Dutch and French learning results than in mathematics ( Maldonado and Witte, 2021 ). The authors proposed that the lack of Dutch speaking at home contributed to lower language performance. However, this difference was not found by Engzell et al., who evaluated reading, spelling, and mathematics scores in a Dutch school and reported lower scores in all three subjects than the previous year ( Engzell et al., 2020 , Maldonado and Witte, 2021 ). Children who relied on speech and language therapy faced a more significant challenge after school closures. The lack of access to in-person therapy and the shift to newly established teletherapy modalities contributed to therapy dropout and were likely to have decreased academic achievement in this population ( Tambyraja et al., 2021 ).

4.4. Effects of COVID-19 Lockdowns on Children’s biology performance

Biology and science performance was also assessed during COVID-19 lockdowns, and different virtual strategies have been proposed by researchers ( Maulucci and Guffey, 2020 ). Maulucci et al. examined the effects of Bybee’s 5E virtual academic model in biology lessons among 71 high school students. Bybee’s 5E model was integrated into a remote biology school curriculum, following two standard courses: The Alabama Course of Study and the Next Generation Science Standards. The authors examined responses to two biology pretest questions to assess misconceptions and evaluate students’ progress. The course involved several engaging, exploring, explaining, extending, and evaluating virtual activities. Analysis of the course dynamics revealed that students who attended live lessons benefited from discussion and feedback opportunities. This finding indicates that increasing live lessons and real-time participation may increase engagement, using tools like Nearpod, Zoom, and bio-interactive platforms. Overall, the results suggest that teachers’ and students’ technology skills must be developed quickly to enable new virtual strategies that guarantee the best learning environments for students ( Maulucci and Guffey, 2020 ).

4.5. Children’s, parents, and teachers’ perceptions of learning during COVID-19

Multiple investigators have studied the perceptions of students, parents, and teachers regarding the changes in education caused by COVID-19 ( Álvarez-Guerrero et al., 2021 , Cui et al., 2021 , Korzycka et al., 2021 , Sakarneh, 2021 , Scarpellini et al., 2021 , Zagalaz-Sánchez et al., 2021 , Zhang et al., 2020 ). Here we discuss the perceptions reported in these studies, emphasizing those that involve academic performance and learning skills. We will also review how students perceive their learning process and how parents and teachers perceive it from their perspectives.

4.5.1. Perceptions of parents’ and teachers of children with special needs

Regarding students with intellectual disabilities, five studies have been conducted so far ( Álvarez-Guerrero et al., 2021 , Averett, 2021 , Sakarneh, 2021 , Scarpellini et al., 2021 , Tellier, 2022 ). Some studies revealed negative perceptions and challenges of remote learning ( Álvarez-Guerrero et al., 2021 , Averett, 2021 , Sakarneh, 2021 ). In Jordan, Sakarneh interviewed ten parents of children with special needs about their perceptions regarding the use of online platforms, behavioral changes caused by lockdowns, and the level of inclusion of education ( Sakarneh, 2021 ). Parents reported two main issues regarding remote learning adaptation: first, the lack of motivation to complete tasks individually, and second, the use of conventional teaching techniques that were not adaptable to children’s particular needs because of strict schedules and inadequate learning material ( Sakarneh, 2021 ). Studies conducted in Spain, Italy, and the US highlighted the lack of virtual accommodations for the special needs population and the lack of social skills development due to virtual interactions ( Álvarez-Guerrero et al., 2021 , Averett, 2021 , Scarpellini et al., 2021 ).

On the contrary, some parents and teachers in the US and Canada shared positive experiences with remote learning in children with disabilities. They expressed stress relief, control of mood swings, time flexibility, increased accessibility, and support due to the hard work of school staff ( Averett, 2021 , Pellicano and Stears, 2020 , Tellier, 2022 ).

Several strategies have been proposed. Utilization of concept maps, prolonged work times, and decreases in the number of tasks as well as encouraging children to ask for help, promoting the preparation of the class materials, stimulating peer discussion, familiarization with the learning platform, and using an individualized student center method ( Cui et al., 2021 , Tellier, 2022 , Zhao et al., 2020 ). In Spain, Álvarez-Guerrero et al. analyzed the Dialogic Literary Gatherings responses of five children with moderate to severe intellectual disabilities ( Álvarez-Guerrero et al., 2021 ). Teachers' and parents' perceptions were also examined. Two teachers directed the meetings once a week for six months. Visual aids, such as photographs and drawings related to the literary content, facilitated children's comprehension. In addition, the role of families in learning interaction during gatherings was essential for the transition from face-to-face to virtual dynamics. Teachers perceived the benefits of debate and discussion in cognitive and behavioral processes. Moreover, Dialogic Literary Gatherings were reported to promote children's vocabulary, comprehension, and reading abilities and enhance their interactions with society ( Álvarez-Guerrero et al., 2021 ).

4.5.2. Perceptions of parents and teachers of neurotypical children

In neurotypical children, further studies were carried out that reflected essential concerns, which can be grouped into the following clusters: perception of virtual learning disorganization, increased academic demands, motivational and behavioral changes, and particular academic impact in rural areas ( Sakarneh, 2021 , Scarpellini et al., 2021 , Zagalaz-Sánchez et al., 2021 ).

First, the overall results reported a perception of the disorganization of distance learning. In Italy, 1601 mothers were interviewed to explore their perceptions of primary and middle school children's experiences with remote learning during COVID-19 lockdowns. The results revealed that 1.5 % of children lacked access to technology, particularly primary school students who were often exposed to less structured routines. Furthermore, the results revealed diminished teacher feedback and contact compared with face-to-face teaching formats. Regarding learning assessments, primary school students performed less than in the previous academic year. In contrast, middle school grades remained consistent because of better planning of tests and oral exams ( Scarpellini et al., 2021 ). In a survey conducted in Poland, school children's concerns were regarding the lack of feedback from teachers, unclear evaluation parameters for older students, and an absence of academic progress comparison with peers among younger students ( Korzycka et al., 2021 ).

Second, the curriculum structure was a perceived concern, particularly increased academic demands. A national survey in Poland assessed adolescents' perceptions of remote learning and performance during COVID-19 lockdowns ( Korzycka et al., 2021 ). For older students, curriculum structure was identified as a difficulty, particularly increased academic demands ( Korzycka et al., 2021 ). In China, Cui et al. conducted a questionnaire with 1008 elementary school children and parents, distributed in two data collection periods, one at the beginning and the other at the end of 40 days during China's COVID-19 lockdown ( Cui et al., 2021 ). According to the results, parents agreed that the lecture format was inadequate, surpassing students' capacities and potentially promoting emotional and behavioral disturbances ( Cui et al., 2021 ).

Third, a lack of motivation and behavioral problems were commonly raised in surveys. A survey by Cui et al. revealed that a trend for decreased motivation was reflected in uncompleted homework assignments and dissatisfaction with online lessons ( Cui et al., 2021 ). Moreover, Korzycka et al. reported that lack of motivation was thought by children to be secondary to the lack of a school environment and extracurricular activities ( Korzycka et al., 2021 ). Furthermore, Italian mothers also reported behavioral changes, such as reduced attention span (< 20 min), an increased need for breaks (every 10 min), restlessness in younger children (69.1 %), and anxiety in older children (34.2 %) ( Scarpellini et al., 2021 ). In addition, living conditions during COVID-19 lockdowns significantly affected children's motivation, and the degree of happiness and fatigue were related to the size of housing ( Zagalaz-Sánchez et al., 2021 ). Specifically, larger house environments were associated with greater happiness and less fatigue, while participants that lived in rural areas had increased levels of physical activity and reading ( Zagalaz-Sánchez et al., 2021 ). A survey performed in India regarding the perception of teachers and students towards online classes reported generalized negative feedback and overall preference for regular classes and highlighted the influence of learning environments on the quality of online learning and teaching ( Selvaraj et al., 2021 ).

Finally, specific academic impacts in rural areas were also reported in three studies ( Korzycka et al., 2021 , van Cappelle et al., 2021 , Zagalaz-Sánchez et al., 2021 ). In Spain, a 45-day cross-sectional study was performed to analyze the effects of living conditions during COVID-19 on educational activities and learning processes. A sample of 837 0–12-year-old children and their families responded to a validated questionnaire, and daily life activities were compared between children from urban and rural areas. Regarding technological devices, children with higher usage tended to live in apartments, followed by children without gardens in their houses, who mostly lived in urban areas ( Zagalaz-Sánchez et al., 2021 ). In addition, students in rural areas faced significant tech-support challenges in remote learning compared with students from large cities ( Korzycka et al., 2021 ).

Similarly, a study reflecting on the findings from a UNICEF survey in India found several factors related to adolescents' perception of their learning. The frequency of teacher contact and live video classes had a positive impact. However, time spent on domestic chores significantly decreased reported levels of perceived learning ( van Cappelle et al., 2021 ).

Overall, the authors proposed that the multiple stimuli involved in remote learning can overload children’s integrating learning abilities ( Korzycka et al., 2021 ). The lack of appropriate cognitive stimulation and social interaction caused by COVID-19 lockdowns might affect learning performance, particularly in young children ( Scarpellini et al., 2021 ). Further institutional efforts should focus on comprehending social determinants to improve interventions and academic conditions for children.

4.6. Emotional and behavioral impacts on academic performance

Some previous studies have focused on understanding the emotional and behavioral factors regarding learning and academic environments during the COVID-19 pandemic. However, only three studies have sought to relate these factors to children's school performance and learning abilities ( Giménez-Dasí et al., 2020 , Zhang et al., 2020 , Zhao et al., 2020 ). For example, resilience, emotional regulation, psychiatric disorders, and behavioral changes have been examined in various studies. In Spain, Giménez-Dasí et al. evaluated psychological and behavioral effects in 167 3-to-11-year-old children and their families ( Giménez-Dasí et al., 2020 ). The System of Evaluation of Children and Adolescents questionnaire was assessed twice: before and after 4–6 weeks of lockdown. The results were divided between older (6–11-year-olds) and younger (3-year-olds) children. Older children exhibited the worst emotional regulation, attention, self-control, and willingness to study. In addition, younger children's parents reported worsening psychological states (55 % in early Childhood and 64 % in Primary education), whereas 36 % reported no change, and 17 % felt that their child's psychological state had improved ( Giménez-Dasí et al., 2020 ). Similar results were reported by Zhao et al. in 2010 school-aged children, parents, and teachers, using online questionnaires for seven days in China ( Zhao et al., 2020 ). Overall, participants reported that homeschooling methods were acceptable, whereas teachers mentioned a possible decline in children's academic performance, motivation, and focus. In addition, the results revealed that 17.6 % of respondents suspected emotional and behavioral problems in children, and 68.8 % of parents reported that their children had more than 3 h of screen time per day, which exceeds the recommendations of the American Academy of Pediatrics ( Committee on Public Education, 2001 , Zhao et al., 2020 ). Another study conducted in Spain found that online digital storytelling activity during the pandemic crisis provided primary school cognitive, emotional, and social support ( Alonso-Campuzano et al., 2021 ).

In China, Zhang et al. evaluated emotional resilience and its effects on learning skills in 896 12–14-year-old middle school children ( Zhang et al., 2020 ). In addition, different questionnaires were implemented in seventh and eighth graders during the first lockdown period. The results revealed that greater resilience contributed to a better time, environment, and resource management abilities. However, the authors reported that the follow-up duration was short and suggested further studies examining other factors, such as academic performance, family support, and technology habits ( Zhang et al., 2020 ).

5. Limitations

The number of studies selected for qualitative analysis is low, which impedes significant overall conclusions of the effects of lockdowns on academic outcomes. Although studies analyzed in this review provide general conclusions about the impact of remote learning on children's school performance, additional studies are required to further evaluate the potential moderators of learning. Furthermore, articles included in this study are heterogeneous in terms of the number of subjects, study design, and evaluation methods, which makes results difficult to compare one to another, thereby reaching subjective conclusions rather than quantitatively significant results. We also acknowledge an important geographic bias since most of the studies with significant results in academic performance were conducted in selected regions, and we found less evidence from Latin America, Africa, and other developing countries.

6. Conclusions

A relatively small number of studies examining the impact of COVID-19 lockdowns on academic performance and learning abilities have been published to date. Our analysis suggested several negative consequences of lockdowns and the shift to virtual learning schemes for children's academic performance in different knowledge areas. However, in about 35 % of the studies included, no learning loss was reported; therefore, the negative impact of academic performance during lockdown should be tempered. Some contributing factors were identified: socioeconomic status (type of household and family income), access to technology, learning environment, quality of innovative remote resources, and teachers' feedback.

Furthermore, remote learning has increased the learning gap between students, including those with intellectual disabilities who face a more significant challenge. New learning strategies have been developed to improve assessment and interactive pedagogical tools for improving children's attention, motivation, and willingness to study. In addition, psychological support for the behavioral and emotional consequences of COVID-19 is needed to facilitate children's transition back into in-person learning routines. Further research should focus on the long-term learning impact on school performance after lockdown to establish truthful conclusions.

Preparation for a possible new emergency is deemed necessary. Consideration of flexible learning modalities and standardized tests for performance monitoring could help overcome language, geography, and disability barriers. In addition, psychological support for the behavioral and emotional consequences of COVID-19 is needed to facilitate children's transition back into in-person learning routines. Further research should focus on the long-term learning impact on school performance after lockdown to establish truthful conclusions.

Ethics approval and consent to participate

Consent for publication.

This research received no external funding.

CRediT authorship contribution statement

María C. Cortés-Albornoz: Conceptualization, Methodology, Investigation, Resources, Data curation, Writing – original draft, Writing – review & editing. Sofía Ramírez-Guerrero: Conceptualization, Investigation, Resources, Data curation, Writing – original draft, Writing – review & editing. Danna P. García-Guáqueta: Conceptualization, Investigation, Resources, Data curation, Writing – original draft, Writing – review & editing. Alberto Vélez-Van-Meerbeke: Conceptualization, Investigation, Resources, Writing – review & editing. Claudia Talero-Gutiérrez: Conceptualization, Investigation, Resources, Data curation, Writing – original draft, Writing – review & editing, Supervision.

Conflicts of interest statement

The authors declare that they have no competing interests.

Appendix A Supplementary data associated with this article can be found in the online version at doi:10.1016/j.ijedudev.2023.102835 .

Appendix A. Supplementary material

Supplementary material

Data Availability

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5 ways to help keep children learning during the covid-19 pandemic, unicef global chief of education’s tips to help keep your child learning at home..

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The coronavirus disease (COVID-19) pandemic has upended family life around the world. School closures, working remotely, physical distancing — it’s a lot to navigate for parents to navigate. Robert Jenkins, UNICEF’s Global Chief of Education, offers five tips to help keep children’s education on track while they’re staying home.

1. Plan a routine together

Try to establish a routine that factors in age-appropriate education programmes that can be followed online, on the television or through the radio. Also, factor in play time and time for reading. Use everyday activities as learning opportunities for your children. And don’t forget to come up with these plans together where possible.

Although establishing a routine and structure is critically important for children and young people, in these times you may notice your children need some level of flexibility. Switch up your activities. If your child is seeming restless and agitated when you’re trying to follow an online learning programme with them, flip to a more active option. Do not forget that planning and doing house chores together safely is great for development of fine and gross motor functions. Try and stay as attuned to their needs as possible.

2. Have open conversations

Encourage your children to ask questions and express their feelings with you. Remember that your child may have different reactions to stress, so be patient and understanding. Start by inviting your child to talk about the issue. Find out how much they already know and follow their lead. Discuss good hygiene practices. You can use everyday moments to reinforce the importance of things like regular and thorough handwashing. Make sure you are in a safe environment and allow your child to talk freely. Drawing, stories and other activities may help to open a discussion.

Try not to minimize or avoid their concerns. Be sure to acknowledge their feelings and assure them that it’s natural to feel scared about these things. Demonstrate that you’re listening by giving them your full attention, and make sure they understand that they can talk to you and their teachers whenever they like. Warn them about fake news and encourage them – and remind yourselves – to use trusted sources of information such as UNICEF guidance.

3. Take your time

Start with shorter learning sessions and make them progressively longer. If the goal is to have a 30- or 45-minute session, start with 10 minutes and build up from there. Within a session, combine online or screen time with offline activities or exercises.

4. Protect children online

Digital platforms provide an opportunity for children to keep learning, take part in play and keep in touch with their friends. But increased access online brings heightened risks for children’s safety, protection and privacy. Discuss the internet with your children so that they know how it works, what they need to be aware of, and what appropriate behavior looks like on the platforms they use, such as video calls.

Establish rules together about how, when and where the internet can be used. Set up parental controls on their devices to mitigate online risks, particularly for younger children. Identify appropriate online tools for recreation together - organizations like Common Sense Media offer advice for age-appropriate apps, games and other online entertainment. In case of cyberbullying or an incident of inappropriate content online, be familiar with school and other local reporting mechanisms, keeping numbers of support helplines and hotlines handy.

Don’t forget that there’s no need for children or young people to share pictures of themselves or other personal information to access digital learning.

5. Stay in touch with your children’s education facility

Find out how to stay in touch with your children’s teacher or school to stay informed, ask questions and get more guidance. Parent groups or community groups can also be a good way to support each other with your home schooling.

For more tips for parents navigating the COVID-19 pandemic, visit UNICEF’s Coronavirus (COVID-19) guide for parents .

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Safety tips for attending school during COVID-19

As the COVID-19 pandemic continues, families and caregivers might worry about their children getting the COVID-19 virus at school.

Unfortunately, COVID-19 outbreaks do happen in school settings. But global research has shown, at least with early variants, that when schools use multiple prevention strategies, the spread of the COVID-19 virus in schools can be lower than or similar to community spread.

What can you do to protect your school-aged child? Consider the strategies schools and families can follow to protect students' health.

Encouraging COVID-19 vaccination

COVID-19 vaccines are available for children age 6 months and older in the U.S. A COVID-19 vaccine and booster doses might prevent your child from getting the COVID-19 virus or becoming seriously ill or hospitalized due to COVID-19 . Getting a COVID-19 vaccine can also help keep your child in school and more safely participate in sports and other group activities too.

Wearing face masks

School policies vary when it comes to face masks. However, whether or not you're vaccinated, the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) recommends wearing a face mask in indoor public spaces if you're in a community with a high number of new COVID-19 cases and hospitalizations. Wearing the most protective face mask that you'll wear regularly, fits well and is comfortable while indoors can limit the spread of the COVID-19 virus. The CDC recommends that students and staff who have been exposed or think they've been exposed to COVID-19 wear a mask around others for 10 days after their last exposure.

If your child wears a face mask in school, consider these tips:

Have your child wear the most protective mask possible that fits well and is comfortable.
Provide your child with a clean mask and a backup mask each day. Consider giving your child a clean, resealable bag to store the mask during lunch.
Label your child's mask so it's not confused with other children's masks. Tell your child to never wear another child's used mask.

Screening test

Screening identifies people with COVID-19 who don't have symptoms and who don't have a known, suspected or reported exposure to COVID-19 . This can help keep COVID-19 from spreading further.

If COVID-19 is spreading at a high level according to the CDC , schools might screen all students and staff who participate in activities that may involve a higher risk, such as:

Choir or band
Soccer, football or other sports that involve close contact
Dances or sports tournaments

Schools also may screen students and staff before and after breaks, such as a holiday or spring break.

Schools vary in their use of screening. They may change requirements based on attendance by students at high risk of severe COVID-19 . Or they may change requirements based on risk level in the community.

Proper ventilation

Improving ventilation in schools can reduce the number of COVID-19 virus particles in the air. Opening multiple windows and doors, using fans, or changing the heating, ventilation, air conditioning or air filtration systems can help. During transportation to and from school, keeping windows open a few inches also can improve air circulation.

Handwashing

Schools and parents should encourage students to frequently wash their hands with soap and water for at least 20 seconds or use an alcohol-based hand sanitizer that contains at least 60% alcohol. Children should cover their mouths and noses with an elbow or a tissue when coughing or sneezing. Children also should avoid touching their eyes, noses and mouths. To ensure thorough handwashing, kids can be taught to keep washing their hands until they have sung the entire "Happy Birthday" song twice (about 20 seconds).

Staying home when sick and getting tested

Students who have symptoms of an infectious illness should stay home from school and get tested for COVID-19 . Possible symptoms of COVID-19 in children include:

Cough that becomes productive
New loss of taste or smell
Changes in the skin, such as discolored areas on the feet and hands
Sore throat
Nausea, vomiting, belly pain or diarrhea
Muscle aches and pain
Extreme fatigue
New severe headache
New nasal congestion

Everyone with COVID-19 should stay home and isolate from others for at least five full days. School policies might vary on when a child who has had COVID-19 can return to school.

If you are recovering from COVID-19 , the CDC recommends wearing the most protective face mask that you'll wear regularly, fits well and is comfortable. Wear the mask while you are around other people through day 10. Children who are too young to wear a mask should be cared for in as separate a space as possible by a caregiver who is wearing a mask.

Contact tracing

Contact tracing is the process of identifying people who may have been exposed to someone with COVID-19 . During an outbreak, contact tracing to help students and staff know when to stay home can help prevent the spread of COVID-19 . Strategies such as improving ventilation or wearing a well-fitting mask also can help prevent further spread.

If your child's school does contact tracing, make sure you understand what steps your child needs to take after a COVID-19 exposure.

Cleaning and disinfecting

Cleaning once a day is usually enough to lower the risk of germs spreading from surfaces in schools. The CDC suggests schools have procedures for staff to follow after meals, after exposure to fluids such as blood or saliva, and after changing diapers.

What to do if your child gets COVID-19

Even if your family and your child's school carefully follow these prevention strategies, it's still possible for your child to get COVID-19 . If your child tests positive for COVID-19 :

Talk to your child's health care provider. Keep your child home from school and away from others, except to get medical care.
Focus on relieving your child's symptoms. This might include rest, plenty of fluids and use of pain relievers.
Contact your child's school. Make sure you understand the school's policy on when your child can return to school. Find out if distance learning is an option while your child remains at home.
Consider picking one person in your family to care for your sick child. Have that caregiver be with your child and separated from others in your home, when possible.
Unfortunately, pets can catch COVID-19, so limit contact between your child and your pets.
Call the health care provider if your child gets sicker. Emergency warning signs include trouble breathing, persistent pain or pressure in the chest, new confusion, inability to wake or stay awake, and pale, gray, or blue-colored skin, lips or nail beds — depending on your child's skin color.
Schools and childcare programs. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. https://www.cdc.gov/coronavirus/2019-ncov/community/schools-childcare/parent-faqs.html. Accessed Aug. 16, 2022.
Stay up to date with your vaccines. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. https://www.cdc.gov/coronavirus/2019-ncov/vaccines/stay-up-to-date.html. Accessed April 20, 2022.
How to protect yourself and others. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. https://www.cdc.gov/coronavirus/2019-ncov/prevent-getting-sick/prevention.html. Accessed April 20, 2022.
Information for pediatric healthcare providers. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. https://www.cdc.gov/coronavirus/2019-ncov/hcp/pediatric-hcp.html. Accessed April 28, 2022.
Quarantine and isolation. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. https://www.cdc.gov/coronavirus/2019-ncov/your-health/quarantine-isolation.html. Accessed April 28, 2022.
COVID-19 guidance for safe schools and promotion of in-person learning. American Academy of Pediatrics. https://www.aap.org/en/pages/2019-novel-coronavirus-covid-19-infections/clinical-guidance/covid-19-planning-considerations-return-to-in-person-education-in-schools/. Accessed April 20, 2022.
When and how to wash your hands. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. https://www.cdc.gov/handwashing/when-how-handwashing.html. Accessed April 20, 2022.
Caring for someone sick at home. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. https://www.cdc.gov/coronavirus/2019-ncov/if-you-are-sick/care-for-someone.html. Accessed April 29, 2022.
Use and care of masks. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. https://www.cdc.gov/coronavirus/2019-ncov/prevent-getting-sick/about-face-coverings.html. Accessed Feb. 28, 2022.
COVID-19 community levels. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. https://www.cdc.gov/coronavirus/2019-ncov/science/community-levels.html. Accessed Feb. 28, 2022.
COVID-19 pandemic: Helping young children and parents transition back to school. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. https://www.cdc.gov/childrensmentalhealth/features/COVID-19-helping-children-transition-back-to-school.html. Accessed April 28, 2022.
Guidance for COVID-19 prevention in K-12 schools. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. https://www.cdc.gov/coronavirus/2019-ncov/community/schools-childcare/k-12-guidance.html#anchor_1625661984621. Accessed Aug. 16, 2022.
COVID-19 vaccines for children and teens. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. https://www.cdc.gov/coronavirus/2019-ncov/vaccines/recommendations/children-teens.html. Accessed Aug. 16, 2022.
Use and care of masks. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. https://www.cdc.gov/coronavirus/2019-ncov/prevent-getting-sick/about-face-coverings.html. Accessed April 28, 2022.
AskMayoExpert. COVID-19: Outpatient and inpatient management (child). Mayo Clinic; 2021.

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How Federal Pandemic Aid Impacted Schools

Posted June 26, 2024
By Elizabeth M. Ross
Disruption and Crises
Education Finances
Education Policy
Education Reform
Student Achievement and Outcomes

Chalk drawing of an institution with a money symbol

K–12 schools received nearly $190 billion in federal relief during the COVID-19 pandemic, 90% of which went directly to local districts. Financially disadvantaged districts received the most aid money, but how effective was the money at helping students make up the learning they missed during the pandemic?

Answers can be found in new research which measured the impact of the spending by looking at the average test scores in reading and math from the spring of 2022–2023, for students in grades 3–8. The researchers were not able to assess which intervention strategies were the most effective because school districts were not required to report how they spent the funds they received.

Professor Thomas Kane , economist and co-author of the new report from the Center for Education Policy Research at Harvard University and The Educational Opportunity Project at Stanford University, explains the role that federal relief money played in the academic recovery story in 29 states.

Could you summarize what you found out about the impact of the federal relief money on student achievement during the 2022 to 2023 school year?

We found that $1,000 of federal aid per student that a district spent during the 2022–2023 school year was associated with a 0.03 grade equivalent rise in math achievement (or approximately 6 days of learning) and in reading, the effects were somewhat smaller, a 0.018 grade equivalent (or approximately 3 days of learning). So, the effects were not huge. I think readers might look at that and say, oh gosh, that's a small effect. But what people don't realize is just how strongly related to longer-term outcomes test scores are. So, although the impacts per dollar spent were not large, given the relationship between K–12 test scores and earnings later in life, our estimates imply they were large enough to justify the investment.

In the conclusion of your report, you say that the average recovery was actually larger than what you expected based on your estimate of the effect of the spending. Why was that?

We were surprised when we first got the 2022–2023 data and saw the total magnitude of the gains that year. They were 170% as large as the average annual improvement during the last period of rapid growth in achievement, between 1990 and 2013, in math and double the improvement in reading during that time period.

In this report, we investigated the role that the federal aid played in that growth. Our primary challenge was sorting out how much of the growth was due to spending, versus how much of the growth was related to community poverty — since poorer districts received more aid on average. We took several different approaches to doing that — for instance, using state differences in the Title I formula on which the funding was based and finding high-poverty districts which received large grants (because of the state they were in or because of anomalies in the aid formula) and similarly high-poverty districts with much smaller grants but similar prior trends in achievement. We tried multiple approaches and found similar answers each way we looked at it.

We're still surprised, partially because of the news over the past few years of districts spending the federal relief on athletics fields and across-the-board pay raises and the implementation challenges districts faced when trying to implement tutoring or recruiting students to summer school. But the dollars seem to have had an impact.

"Imagine if, at the beginning of the pandemic, the federal government did not even try to coordinate efforts to develop a vaccine. Instead, suppose they took all that money and sent it to local public health departments, saying, 'You figure it out.' Some would have succeeded, but many would have failed. That’s exactly what happened in the K–12 response." Professor Thomas Kane

In your report you suggested that parental help at home, efforts on the part of teachers and students, and possibly increases in spending at the local level may have played a role in the recovery effort. And it's interesting because I remember the last time I talked with you , you mentioned your concerns about the lack of coordination with the spending of the federal relief money. Is that still a concern?

Yes, in some ways the federal aid was like the first stage of a rocket — it got us started but was broadly focused and ultimately insufficient to get us all the way there. Part of that was due to a lack of coordination. Each district was developing and implementing plans largely on their own. It could have been much more effectively spent. For instance, research suggests that the cost effectiveness ratio for a high-dosage tutoring program was roughly 10 times as large as the cost effectiveness we found for each $1000 in aid spent.

In the report, we also recommend efforts states should be doing now to continue the recovery, because it's pretty clear that there won't be another federal package, given what's happening in Washington. It’s alarming, but it’s just not on the radar screen of most governors — including here in Massachusetts, where the highest-poverty districts have actually lost additional ground since the pandemic. States have spent the last few years watching districts spend down their federal pandemic relief dollars, not recognizing that the recovery will not be complete when the federal dollars run out. Simply going back to business as usual will leave a lot of our neediest communities further behind than they were before the pandemic. So, we're hoping that these results become a call to action at the state and local level. It’s in governors and state legislators’ hands now. If they don’t step up, poor children will end up bearing the most inequitable and longest lasting burden from the pandemic.

The aid did, by our estimates, seem to have a disproportionate effect on high-poverty districts, mostly because they got a lot more money. But that wasn't enough to completely offset the losses. The highest-poverty districts remain behind as well as the middle-income districts. The wealthiest districts we anticipate will be back to 2019 levels soon, not because they received much federal aid — they did not — but because they did not fall very far behind in the first place.

Are there lessons to be learned overall from the pandemic recovery effort?

I do think it would have been beneficial to give federal regulators and state governments more opportunities to coordinate local efforts — like to plan statewide tutoring programs or to plan statewide summer learning programs. Most of the bigger districts would have had the staff to plan their own efforts, but the medium and smaller districts, they didn't necessarily have the bandwidth to be thinking about planning for major summer learning initiatives and tutoring programs. I think granting states, and the federal government, more say in approving local recovery plans, in ensuring that what districts were planning were sufficient to help students catch up and giving states more money to coordinate efforts would have helped.

Imagine if, at the beginning of the pandemic, the federal government did not even try to coordinate efforts to develop a vaccine. Instead, suppose they took all that money and sent it to local public health departments, saying, “You figure it out.” Some would have succeeded, but many would have failed. That’s exactly what happened in the K–12 response. 90% of the federal aid went directly to local school districts. Some figured it out, but many did not.

States and districts should have plans on the shelf for what happens in the next pandemic. I'm sure there are individual schools that will say that they know exactly what they would do next time. But there has not been that sort of learning at the state level — since most states just took a back seat. I have not heard much planning at the state or federal level about what they would do differently next time — and how they might plan for a major tutoring initiative or assembling materials for summer learning, etc. We're not going to have better coordination next time unless somebody starts planning now.

The latest research, perspectives, and highlights from the Harvard Graduate School of Education

Despite Progress, Achievement Gaps Persist During Recovery from Pandemic

New research finds achievement gaps in math and reading, exacerbated by the COVID-19 pandemic, remain and have grown in some states, calls for action before federal relief funds run out

To Get Kids Back on Track After COVID: Shoot for the Moon

Where have all the students gone.

Watch CBS News

Trump and Biden's first presidential debate of 2024, fact checked

By Arden Farhi , Hunter Woodall , Jui Sarwate , Julia Ingram , Layla Ferris , Laura Doan , James LaPorta , Daniel Klaidman , Alexander Tin , Pete Villasmil, Sierra Sanders

Updated on: June 28, 2024 / 9:46 AM EDT / CBS News

Here's the fact check of some of the statements made by President Biden and former President Donald Trump during the first 2024 presidential debate , which took place in Atlanta on Thursday, June 27. The two tangled on topics including immigration, the economy, abortion and their respective records. Mr. Biden seemed to ramble during many of his responses.

CBS News covered the debate live as it happened .

Trump claims "we had the greatest economy in the history of our country": False

Trump : "We had the greatest economy in the history of our country. And we have never done so well. Every- everybody was amazed by it. Other countries were copying us."

Details : Trump's claim is false that during his presidency the U.S. had the greatest economy in the history of the country by many of the common metrics used to judge economic performance. The claim struggles when looking at GDP. If the 2020 pandemic is excluded, growth after inflation under Trump averaged 2.49%, according to figures from the World Bank . This is far from the GDP growth under Democratic President Bill Clinton of 3.88%, according to World Bank data . Including the time period after COVID spread, that average drops to 1.18%.

Trump's claim also falls short when compared to historical figures. Growth between 1962 to 1966 ranged from 4.4% to 6.6%. In 1950 and 1951, GDP ranged between 8.7% and 8%.

Under Mr. Biden, annual GDP growth is averaging 3.4%, according to the Associated Press .

*An earlier version of this fact check misstated World Bank figures for growth after inflation under Trump at 2.65%, rather than 2.49%, and 1.45%, instead of 1.18%, and also rounded the growth number for Clinton. This has been updated.

Unemployment

Trump's claim is also false even when evaluating the unemployment rate. In February 2020, a month before the COVID pandemic affected the economy, the unemployment rate stood at 3.5% — which was the lowest since December 1969 — but not the lowest ever. When Trump's term ended, the unemployment rate was 6.3%.

In 1953, the unemployment rate fell as low as 2.5%. Under Mr. Biden, the unemployment rate is 4%, according to the most recent data from May 2024.

In January 2023 and again in April 2023, the unemployment rate was 3.4%, lower than the best month during Trump's term.

Stock market performance

On Jan. 19, 2021, the S&P 500-stock average closed at 67.8% above where it had been the day before Trump was inaugurated in 2017.

According to Investopedia , at the end of President Barack Obama's first term in office, the S&P closed 84.5% higher. Additionally the S&P gained 79% during President Bill Clinton's first term, and 70% during President Dwight Eisenhower's first term. So far, under President Biden, the S&P 500 has increased almost 40% , according to calculations on June 13.

By Laura Doan and Hunter Woodall

Biden claims he's the only president this century that doesn't have troops dying anywhere in the world: False

Biden: "I'm the only president this century that doesn't have any — this decade — that doesn't have any troops dying anywhere in the world."

Details : At least 16 U.S. service members have died while serving overseas during Mr. Biden's presidency. Thirteen U.S. service members died in an attack at the Kabul airport in Afghanistan in August 2021. Three soldiers were killed in an attack in Jordan in January of this year.

By Layla Ferris

Trump claims he did not refer to U.S. soldiers who were killed as "suckers and losers": False

Trump: "First of all, that was a made-up quote. 'Suckers and losers,' they made it up."

Details : Current and former U.S. military service members have detailed to CBS News multiple instances when Trump made disparaging remarks about members of the U.S. military who were captured or killed, including referring to the American war dead at the Aisle-Marne American Cemetery in France in 2018 as "losers" and "suckers."

A senior Defense Department official and a former U.S. Marine Corps officer with direct knowledge of what was said detailed how Trump said he did not want to visit the cemetery because it was "filled with losers." These accounts were backed independently by two other officials — a former senior U.S. Army officer and a separate, former senior U.S. Marine Corps officer.

In another conversation on the trip, Trump referred to the 1,800 Marines who died in the World War I battle of Belleau Wood as "suckers" for getting killed. The Atlantic was first to report Trump's comments in 2020. His former chief of staff John Kelly later confirmed to CNN the essence of what Trump had said.

By James LaPorta and Sierra Sanders

Biden claims 40% fewer people are crossing border illegally, better than when Trump was in office: Partially true

Biden: "I've changed it in a way that now you're in a situation where there 40% fewer people coming across the border illegally; it's better than when he left office."

Details : Since Mr. Biden issued a proclamation banning most migrants from asylum at the U.S.-Mexico border in early June, illegal crossings there have dropped. In the past week, daily illegal border crossings have averaged roughly 2,000, according to internal Department of Homeland Security data obtained by CBS News. That's a 47% drop from the 3,800 daily average in May.

During the height of a spike in migration faced by the Trump administration in 2019, Border Patrol recorded an average of 4,300 daily illegal crossings, government data show. But there were months during the Covid-19 pandemic when the Trump administration averaged fewer than 2,000 illegal border crossings.

By Camilo Montoya-Galvez

Trump claims migrants coming to U.S. and "killing our citizens at a level...we've never seen before": Misleading

Trump: "People are coming in and killing our citizens at a level like we've never seen before."

Details : Some migrants who are believed to have entered the U.S. along the southern border in recent years have been charged with murder and other heinous crimes in different parts of the country. They include the suspect in the high-profile murder of Georgia nursing student Laken Riley .

But while the data on this question is not comprehensive, available studies have found that migrants living in the country illegally do not commit crimes at a higher rate than native-born Americans.

Government statistics also show a very small fraction of migrants processed by Border Patrol have criminal records in the U.S. or other countries that share information with American officials.

On COVID, Trump claims more people died under Biden administration than his: True, but needs context

Trump: "Remember, more people died under his administration — even though we had largely fixed it — more people died under his administration than our administration, and we were right in the middle of it, something which a lot of people don't like to talk about. But [Biden] had far more people dying in his administration."

Details : More than 460,000 people had died from COVID-19 by the end of the week that Biden was inaugurated in 2021, while more than 725,000 have died in the three years since then, according to data from the CDC . However, research has found that the counts of COVID-19 deaths, especially in the early days of the pandemic, were likely undercounted .

By Julia Ingram and Jui Sarwate

In discussing abortion, Trump claims former Virginia governor, a Democrat, supported killing babies: False

Trump: "If you look at the former governor of Virginia, he was willing to do this — he said 'we'll put the baby aside and we'll determine what we'll do with the baby'.. .meaning we'll kill the baby."

Details : In a 2019 radio interview then-governor of Virginia Ralph Northam, in discussing late-term abortions, addressed a hypothetical scenario in which a fetus was severely deformed or wasn't otherwise viable. He said, "the infant would be delivered, the infant would be kept comfortable, the infant would be resuscitated if that's what the mother and the family desired."

Northam did not say the fetus should be killed. Killing a newborn baby — or infanticide — is illegal in every state, and not a single state is trying to change that.

By Laura Doan and Daniel Klaidman

Trump claims Biden "went after" his political opponent in New York "hush money" case to damage him: False

Trump: "[Biden] basically went after his political opponent (Trump) because he thought it was going to damage me, but when the public found out about these cases, 'cause they understand it better than he does, he has no idea what these cases are, but when they found out about these cases, you know what they did? My poll numbers went up, way up."

Details : There is no federal jurisdiction over a state case. The Manhattan district attorney's office is a separate entity from the U.S. Department of Justice. The department does not supervise the work of the Manhattan D.A.'s office, does not approve its charging decisions, and it does not try the D.A.'s cases.

By Pete Villasmil

Trump claims he brought insulin prices down for seniors: Misleading

Trump: "I'm the one that got the insulin down for the seniors. I took care of the seniors."

Details : During Trump's time as president, Medicare created a voluntary program in 2020 between some plans and insulin manufacturers that agreed to cap out-of-pocket costs for insulin at $35 per month. Around half of Medicare Advantage or stand-alone prescription drug plans ended up participating by 2021.

David Ricks, CEO of insulin drugmaker Eli Lilly, has taken credit for pioneering the idea with Trump administration officials at a congressional hearing and in an interview . In the same interview with STAT, Seema Verma, former Medicare agency chief in the Trump administration, gave Ricks the credit for the cap: "He is an unsung hero. He was actually the mastermind of all of this."

Medicare ended the policy in 2023, after Mr. Biden signed into law the Inflation Reduction Act , which capped insulin costs for Medicare beneficiaries — not just for the portion of plans participating in the program. The law capped insulin costs at the same amount of $35 per month.

By Alexander Tin and Hunter Woodall

Trump claims Biden wants open borders: False

Trump: "He wants open borders. He wants our country to either be destroyed or he wants to pick up those people as voters."

Details : When he took office, Mr. Biden reversed numerous Trump-era immigration policies, including a program that required migrants to await their asylum hearings in Mexico. U.S. Border Patrol has also reported record numbers of migrant apprehensions along the southern border during Mr. Biden's presidency. But Mr. Biden has never endorsed or implemented an "open borders" policy.

In fact, Mr. Biden has embraced some restrictive border policies that mirror rules enacted by his predecessor. In 2023, his administration published a regulation that disqualified migrants from asylum if they crossed into the country illegally after not seeking protection in a third country.

Earlier this month, Mr. Biden enacted an even stricter policy: a proclamation that has partially shut down asylum processing along the border. His administration has also carried out over 4 million deportations, expulsions and returns of migrants since 2021, according to government data .

Only U.S. citizens can vote in federal elections. Most who cross into the U.S. illegally are not on a path to permanent legal status, let alone citizenship. Even those who apply and win asylum — a process that typically takes years to complete — have to wait five years as permanent U.S. residents before applying for American citizenship. There's no evidence to suggest that the Biden administration's border policy is based on a desire to convert migrants into voters.

Biden claims Trump wants to get rid of Social Security: False

Biden "[Trump] wants to get rid of Social Security. He thinks there's plenty to cut in social security. He's wanted to cut Social Security and Medicare, both times."

Details : Trump has repeatedly said he will try to protect Medicare and Social Security. Trump said in a March 21 Truth Social post that he would not "under any circumstance" allow Social Security to "be even touched" if he were president. Trump had said in a CNBC interview on March 11 that "there is a lot you can do" in terms of "cutting" spending under Social Security. Mr. Biden said the comments were proof Trump aimed to make cuts in the programs, but a Trump campaign spokesman said Trump was referring to "cutting waste and fraud," not Social Security entitlements.

Trump claims Biden has the "largest deficit" in history of U.S.: False

Trump: "But he's (Biden) got the largest deficit in the history of our country."

Details : The national deficit was the largest it had been in over two decades under Trump's administration, not Mr. Biden's, according to data from the U.S. Treasury . The deficit peaked in fiscal year 2020 at $3.13 trillion, and declined to $1.7 trillion by the end of fiscal year 2023.

By Julia Ingram

Presidential Debate
Donald Trump

Arden Farhi is the senior White House producer at CBS News. He has covered several presidential campaigns and the Obama, Trump and Biden administrations. He also produces "The Takeout with Major Garrett."

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Michigan Politics
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Observer & Eccentric

COVID-19 cases, hospitalizations climb in US during summer: Where Michigan stands

Cough, cough. Sniff, sniff.

Summer typically is not the season for respiratory infections, but it is the time when people get together for reunions, barbecues and graduation parties, plus celebrate weddings and travel. When the temperature climbs, folks often seek respite indoors, where it's air-conditioned.

And those activities are all conducive to the spread of coronavirus. The U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention reports a summer bump in coronavirus activity nationally.

Test positivity rates are up 1.2% in the last week in the U.S. There has been a 14.7% rise in hospital emergency department visits for people with COVID-19 over the last seven days, and from May 26-June 1, the most recent dates for which data is available, hospitals reported a 25% increase in COVID-19 admissions.

Deaths, too, from the virus are climbing nationally — up 16.7% in the last week.

Closer to home, "COVID is at low levels in Michigan as evidenced by several indicators, including emergency department visits, wastewater, cases and deaths," said Chelsea Wuth, a spokesperson for the state health department.

The latest data from the Michigan Department of Health and Human Services suggests the number of newly identified cases fell about 20% from the week ending June 8 to the week ending June 15 — from 813 cases to 648.

Five COVID-19-related deaths were recorded in the state in the week ending June 15. The previous week, there were seven reported COVID-19-related deaths statewide, according to MDHHS.

However, urgent care and emergency department visits that included the identification of a coronavirus infection have nudged upward in Michigan in recent weeks, accounting for 0.6% of visits statewide.

What to do if you test positive

The strains of the coronavirus that are circulating right now are subtypes of the omicron variant, according to the CDC. It reported the KP.3 lineage made up about 33.1% of coronavirus cases nationally in the two-week period ending June 22. Next was KP.2, which made up 20.8% of cases, and LB.1, which accounted for 17.5% of cases.

If you get a coronavirus infection, health officials recommend:

Staying home and isolating for at least five days, until your symptoms have improved and you are fever free for at least 24 hours. Even then, continue to take precautions, such as distancing and wearing a mask, for an additional five days to prevent spreading the virus to others.
Consider treatment if you are at high risk for severe illness from COVID-19. Paxlovid, an antiviral pill, can be used to treat illness within five days of the onset of symptoms. Paxlovid is recommended for those ages 12 and older weighing at least 88 pounds who are at risk for severe disease hospitalization or death from the virus.

The Infectious Disease Society of America reported Thursday that the variants now circulating in the U.S. respond well to the Paxlovid antiviral treatment.

To reduce your risk of infection, the IDSA recommends:

Wearing a high-quality mask and washing your hands often or using hand sanitizer if you are getting on an airplane or using other public transportation. If you test positive for the virus while on a trip, do not travel for at least five days and isolate at your hotel or vacation property.
If you aren't up to date on COVID vaccination or aren't sure about the current recommendations for vaccines, check out the CDC's website to learn more: https://www.cdc.gov/coronavirus/2019-ncov/vaccines/stay-up-to-date.html .

Contact Kristen Shamus: [email protected]. Subscribe to the Free Press.

A Disaster for Joe Biden

Watching the president at the first debate was at times almost physically uncomfortable.

President Joe Biden at the CNN presidential debate

What a disaster for Joe Biden.

In tonight’s first debate of the presidential campaign, the president appeared meandering, confused, and extremely frail. Biden’s performance was at times almost physically uncomfortable to watch and will greatly amplify the calls for him to step aside .

The question for many people before the debate was whether Biden would stumble. They didn’t have to wait long for an answer. He looked and sounded shaky from the moment he stepped somewhat creakily onstage in Atlanta. His voice came out in a faint whisper. And a few minutes in, Biden completely lost the thread while assailing Trump’s fiscal policy. He began by attacking Trump for giving tax cuts to billionaires and building up more debt than any president in any four-year period. Then he started to get bogged down:

We have a thousand trillionaires in America. I mean billionaires in America. And what’s happening? They’re in a situation where they in fact pay 8.2 percent in taxes. If they paid 24 percent, 25 percent, either one of those numbers, they’d raise $500 million—billion dollars, I should say—in a 10-year period. We’d be able to wipe out his debt, we’d be able to help make sure that all those things we need to do—child care, elder care, making sure we continue to strengthen our health-care system, making sure that we’re able to make every single solitary person eligible for what I’ve been able to do with the COVID—excuse me, dealing with—look, if we finally beat Medicare …

As Biden struggled to grasp his own point, his time ran out. “Thank you, Mr. President,” the moderator, Jake Tapper, said. It felt like a mercy.

Biden also struggled on abortion, one of Democrats’ strongest lines of attack on Trump . But Biden seemed unable to compose his answer, including a bizarre aside about Laken Riley , a woman allegedly murdered by an illegal immigrant in what has become a MAGA cause célèbre.

“There’s many young women who’ve been—including the young woman who was just murdered and he went to the funeral—the idea that she was murdered by an immigrant coming in, they talk about that but here’s the deal, there’s a lot of young women being raped by their in-laws, by their spouses, brothers and sisters, it’s just ridiculous and they can do nothing about, they try to arrest them when they cross state lines,” Biden said. With some difficulty, one could discern the outlines of an answer there—Biden was talking about women seeking abortions after rape and incest in states that ban the procedure—but it was extremely hard to follow.

Biden didn’t have another moment quite that bad, but he was never good. The president struggled to finish a thought or complete a sentence. As Trump spoke, a split screen showed the president’s face looking slack and agape. Biden’s attempts at emoting incredulity instead read as confusion. He struggled to finish his answers in the allotted time.

Read: What kind of ‘psycho’ calls dead Americans ‘losers’ and ‘suckers’?

His set pieces fell flat, including an emotive one about his late son, Beau. Citing Trump’s remarks about veterans, Biden said: “My son was not a sucker , he was not a loser. You’re the sucker. You’re the loser.” It would have been a great line if it had been delivered with any force. Instead, it sounded like reading off a card.

Mentioning Trump’s alleged sexual relationship with Stormy Daniels, Biden accused Trump of having “the morals of an alley cat,” which would surely have brought the house down at a debate between Dwight Eisenhower and Adlai Stevenson but did nothing to erase impressions that he’s too old in 2024. (In the midst of the debate, Biden staffers began telling reporters that the president is suffering from a cold.)

Biden also seemed very much to be hemmed in by the format of the debate, while Trump used questions on any subject to turn to his favorite talking points. One result was that Biden’s favored campaign theme, Trump’s threat to democracy, didn’t come up until about 40 minutes into the debate, when Tapper asked Trump about the January 6 insurrection.

“Let me tell you about January 6,” Trump replied. “On January 6 we had a great border. Nobody came through, very few. On January 6 we were energy-independent. We had the lowest taxes ever. Lowest regulations ever. On January 6 we were respected all over the world.”

Tapper tried to redirect Trump to the insurrection, and Trump responded by lying about trying to call in the National Guard. This was classic Trump—bluster and misdirection. But anyone looking for reassurance that Trump would respect the rule of law didn’t receive it. The only implication was that a vote for him is a vote for the good life, not for democracy. Trump also continued to push his lie about fraud tainting the 2020 election.

Biden was also itching to call Trump a “convicted felon,” but didn’t get there until five minutes later. Trump steamrolled him and said, nonsensically, “This man is a criminal.”

Read: Ruth Bader Biden

That projection was also classic Trump. He made little sense either, though he made little sense with bravado and seemed positively youthful and energetic next to Biden. He mostly managed to avoid coming off as the overbearing bully he often is on a debate stage, though not entirely. At one point, he used Palestinian as an apparent slur, saying of Biden, “He’s become like a Palestinian, but they don’t like him, because he’s a very bad Palestinian, he’s a weak one.”

If the purpose of debates such as this one is to show voters something new about the candidates, then it didn’t work. And how could it? Both men are very well known, and very little liked, by the entire American public. Nor was there much to learn about policy: Trump doesn’t care about it, and Biden kept getting mixed up in details about it.

When the debates were announced in May, some pundits viewed it as a win for Biden, who was trailing Trump narrowly but consistently. His campaign wanted to put Trump in front of Americans early in the campaign, and remind them of the chaos and division that he produced. It was a bold gamble by the president, and he lost.

Fact-checking Biden and Trump's claims at the first debate

Forget alternative facts and political spin: Thursday's presidential debate was more like a tsunami of falsity.

Former President Donald Trump unleashed a torrent of misinformation on topics from terrorism to taxes during the first debate of the 2024 general election, while President Joe Biden flubbed figures and facts about military deaths and insulin prices.

More than a dozen NBC News reporters, editors and correspondents fact-checked the key claims the presidential candidates made Thursday night. Here they are by topic:

Economy, trade and health care

Fact check: did biden inherit 9% inflation.

“He also said he inherited 9% inflation. Now, he inherited almost no inflation, and it stayed that way for 14 months, and then it blew up under his leadership,” Trump said about Biden.

This is false.

The inflation rate when Biden took office in January 2021 wasn’t 9%. It was 1.4%. It has risen on his watch, peaking at about 9.1% in June 2022, but by last month it had come down to 3.3%. Pandemic-related stimulus policies put in place by both Trump and Biden were blamed, in part, for the rise in the inflation rate.

Fact check: Did Biden lower the cost of insulin to $15 a shot?

“We brought down the price of prescription drugs, which is a major issue for many people, to $15 for an insulin shot — as opposed to $400,” Biden said.

Biden capped the cost of insulin at $35 a month under Medicare, not $15 a shot, and some drug companies have matched that cap. The price cap doesn’t apply to everyone , however.

What’s more, Biden’s also significantly overstating how much insulin cost before the change. A 2022 report by the Department of Health and Human Services found that patients using insulin spent an average of $434 annually on insulin in 2019 — not $400 a shot.

Fact check: Did Trump lower the cost of insulin?

Trump claimed credit for lowering the cost of insulin for seniors, saying, “I am the one who got the insulin down for the seniors.”

That is mostly false.

In 2020, Trump created a voluntary program under Medicare Part D. The program allowed Medicare Part D plans to offer some insulin products for no more than $35 per month. It was active from 2021 to 2023, with fewer than half of the plans participating each year.

In 2022, Biden signed the Inflation Reduction Act, which included a provision that lowered the out-of-pocket cost for people on Medicare to $35 a month and covered all insulin products. The cap didn’t apply to those with private insurance. However, after the law was implemented, insulin manufacturers voluntarily lowered the out-of-pocket cost to $35 a month for people with private insurance.

Fact check: Does Biden want to raise ‘everybody’s taxes’ by four times?

“Nobody ever cut taxes like us. He wants to raise your taxes by four times. He wants to raise everybody’s taxes by four times,” Trump claimed. “He wants the Trump tax cuts to expire.”

Biden’s tax plan “holds harmless for 98% of households,” said Kyle Pomerleau, senior fellow at the conservative American Enterprise Institute. And Biden wants to extend the majority of the Trump tax cuts, too, though he has advocated for hiking taxes on very high earners.

Fact check: Biden said the U.S. trade deficit with China is at its lowest since 2010

“We are at the lowest trade deficit with China since 2010,” Biden said.

This is true.

The U.S. had $279 billion more in imports than exports to China last year, the lowest trade deficit with the world’s second-largest economy since 2010. The highest deficit in recent years was $418 billion, in 2018, when Trump began a trade war with China.

The decline has been driven largely by tariffs that Trump imposed in office and that Biden has maintained and in some cases expanded.

Fact check: Are immigrants taking ‘Black jobs’?

Asked about Black voters who are disappointed with their economic progress, Trump claimed Black Americans are losing their jobs because of illegal border crossings under Biden’s administration.

“The fact is that his big kill on the Black people is the millions of people that he’s allowed to come through the border. They’re taking Black jobs now,” Trump said.

There’s no evidence that undocumented immigrants are taking jobs away from Black Americans. In fact, according to the Bureau of Labor Statistics , the Black unemployment rate fell to 4.8% in April 2023 — an all-time low. Before that, the Black unemployment rate was as high as 10.2% in April 2021.

Immigration

Fact check: did trump end catch and release.

“We ended ‘catch and release,’” Trump said.

Trump did not end “catch and release,” a term used to describe the practice of releasing migrants into the country with court dates while they await court hearings. The U.S. doesn’t have enough facilities to detain every migrant who crosses the border until they can see judges, no matter who is president, so Trump — like Barack Obama before him and Biden after him — released many migrants back into the U.S.

Fact check: Did the Border Patrol union endorse Biden?

“By the way, the Border Patrol endorsed me, endorsed my position,” Biden said.

The National Border Patrol Council, the labor union for U.S. Border Patrol agents and staff members, has endorsed Trump.

“The National Border Patrol Council has proudly endorsed Donald J. Trump for President of the United States,” the group’s vice president, Hector Garza, said in a statement shared exclusively with NBC News.

The union posted on X , “to be clear, we never have and never will endorse Biden.”

Biden may have been referring to a Senate immigration bill that he backed, which earned the union’s endorsement .

Fact check: Did Trump have ‘the safest border in the history of our country’?

“We had the safest border in the history of our country,” Trump said.

It’s a clear exaggeration. In 2019, the last year before the Covid-19 pandemic brought down border crossings, there were roughly 860,000 illegal border crossings, far more than in any year during the Obama administration.

Fact check: Trump says Biden is allowing ‘millions’ of criminals to enter U.S.

“I’d love to ask him … why he’s allowed millions of people to come in from prisons, jails and mental institutions to come into our country and destroy our country,” Trump said.

There is no evidence of this.

Venezuela doesn’t share law enforcement information with U.S. authorities, making it very hard to verify criminal histories of immigrants coming to the U.S. But there’s no evidence that Venezuela is purposefully sending “millions” of people from mental institutions and prisons to the U.S.

Fact check: Did Virginia’s former governor support infanticide?

“They will take the life of a child in the eighth month, the ninth month and even after birth. After birth. If you look at the former governor of Virginia, he was willing to do so, and we’ll determine what we do with the baby. Meaning we’ll kill the baby. ... So that means he can take the life of the baby in the ninth month and even after birth. Because some states, Democrat-run, take it after birth. Again, the governor, the former Virginia governor, put the baby down so that we decide what to do with it. He’s willing to, as we say, rip the baby out of the womb in the ninth month and kill the baby. Nobody wants that to happen, Democrat or Republican; nobody wants it to happen,” Trump said.

While some Democrats support broad access to abortion regardless of gestation age, infanticide is illegal, and no Democrats advocate for it. Just 1% of abortions are performed after 21 weeks’ gestation, according to the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention .

Trump first made the claim in 2019, after Virginia’s governor at the time, Ralph Northam, made controversial remarks in discussing an abortion bill. NBC News debunked the claim then, reporting that Northam’s remarks were about resuscitating infants with severe deformities or nonviable pregnancies.

Asked on a radio program what happens when a woman who is going into labor desires a third-trimester abortion, Northam noted that such procedures occur only in cases of severe deformities or nonviable pregnancies. He said that in those scenarios, “the infant would be resuscitated if that’s what the mother and the family desired, and then a discussion would ensue between the physicians and the mother.”

Terrorism, foreign policy and the military

Fact check: trump said there was ‘no terror’ during his tenure.

“That’s why you had no terror, at all, during my administration. This place, the whole world, is blowing up under him,” Trump said.

There were two ISIS-inspired terrorist attacks while Trump was president. The first occurred in October 2017, when Sayfullo Saipov killed eight people and injured a dozen more in a vehicle ramming attack on the West Side Highway bike path in New York City. The second occurred in December 2017, when Akayed Ullah injured four people when he set off a bomb strapped to himself.

Fact check: Biden suggests no troops died under his watch

“The truth is I’m the only president this century that doesn’t have any this decade and any troops dying anywhere in the world like he did,” Biden said.

The Defense Department confirmed that 13 U.S. service members were killed in a suicide bombing attack at Abbey Gate at the Kabul airport by a member of ISIS-K as the U.S. was leaving Afghanistan.

Environment

Fact check: did trump have the ‘best environmental numbers ever’.

“During my four years, I had the best environmental numbers ever, and my top environmental people gave me that statistic just before I walked on the stage, actually,” Trump said.

The figure Trump is referring to is the fact that carbon emissions fell during his administration. He posted the talking points his former Environmental Protection Agency chief emailed him on social media before the debate.

And it’s true that carbon emissions are falling — they have been dropping for years. Emissions particularly plunged in 2020, dropping to levels around those in 1983 and 1984. That drop was in large part thanks to Covid lockdowns, and emissions rose again when air travel and in-person working resumed.

Still, climate activists and experts are quick to note that those drops are nowhere near enough to head off predicted catastrophic effects of global warming. Other major countries cut their emissions at a much faster rate during the Trump administration.

Fact check: The Jan. 6 crowd was not ‘ushered in’ by the police

“If you would see my statements that I made on Twitter at the time and also my statement that I made in the Rose Garden, you would say it’s one of the strongest statements you’ve ever seen. In addition to the speech I made in front of, I believe, the largest crowd I’ve ever spoken to, and I will tell you, nobody ever talks about that. They talk about a relatively small number of people that went to the Capitol and, in many cases, were ushered in by the police. And as Nancy Pelosi said, it was her responsibility, not mine. She said that loud and clear,” Trump said.

During a lengthy answer to a question about whether he would accept the result of the 2024 election and say all political violence is unacceptable, Trump made several false statements, including the claim that police “ushered” rioters into the U.S. Capitol and that then-House Speaker Nancy Pelosi, D-Calif., said it was her responsibility to keep the chamber safe.

Video and news reports of the Jan. 6 riots clearly captured the U.S. Capitol under attack by pro-Trump crowds who overran the law enforcement presence around and inside the complex.

On Pelosi, Trump was most likely referring to video shot by Pelosi’s daughter Alexandra for an HBO documentary that showed her during the events of Jan. 6, 2021, tensely wondering how the Capitol was allowed to be stormed.

“We have responsibility, Terri,” Pelosi tells her chief of staff, Terri McCullough, as they leave the Capitol in a vehicle. “We did not have any accountability for what was going on there, and we should have. This is ridiculous.”

“You’re going to ask me in the middle of the thing, when they’ve already breached the inaugural stuff, ‘Should we call the Capitol Police?’ I mean the National Guard. Why weren’t the National Guard there to begin with?” Pelosi says in the video.

“They clearly didn’t know, and I take responsibility for not having them just prepare for more,” she says.

Many allies of Trump have tried for the more than three years since the riots to paint Pelosi as somehow being responsible for the violence. Some Trump-backing Republicans have, for example, falsely claimed that she blocked the National Guard from going to the Capitol during the riots.

And everything else ...

Fact check: trump skipped world war i cemetery visit because the soldiers who died were ‘losers’.

Biden said that Trump “refused to go to” a World War I cemetery and that “he was standing with his four-star general” who said Trump said, “I don’t want to go in there, because they’re a bunch of losers and suckers.”

In 2018, during a trip to France, Trump canceled a visit to an American cemetery near Paris, blaming weather for the decision.

But in September 2020, The Atlantic reported that Trump had axed the visit because he felt that those who’d lost their lives and been buried there were “losers.” The magazine cited “four people with firsthand knowledge of those discussions.”

According to The Atlantic, Trump said: “Why should I go to that cemetery? It’s filled with losers.” In another conversation, The Atlantic reported, Trump said the 1,800 American Marines who died were “suckers.”

Several media outlets confirmed the remarks, and Trump’s former White House chief of staff John Kelly also said those specific comments were true.

Fact check: Trump says Biden didn’t run for president due to 2017 Charlottesville rally

“He made up the Charlottesville story, and you’ll see it’s debunked all over the place. Every anchor has — every reasonable anchor has debunked it, and just the other day it came out where it was fully debunked. It’s a nonsense story. He knows that, and he didn’t run because of Charlottesville. He used that as an excuse to run,” Trump said about Biden.

The “Unite the Right” rally in Charlottesville, Virginia, in 2017 featured torch-bearing white supremacists marching to protest the removal of a Robert E. Lee statue and chanting racist slogans like “You will not replace us.” It turned deadly when a car plowed into a crowd .

In recent months, Trump has downplayed the violence, saying it was “nothing” compared to recent pro-Palestinian protests on university campuses.

Meanwhile, Biden has always pointed to Trump’s 2017 comments as the primary reason he decided to seek the presidency in 2020, including in his campaign announcement video back in April 2019 .

Jane C. Timm is a senior reporter for NBC News.

Julia Ainsley is the homeland security correspondent for NBC News and covers the Department of Homeland Security for the NBC News Investigative Unit.

Adam Edelman is a political reporter for NBC News.

Tom Winter is a New York-based correspondent covering crime, courts, terrorism and financial fraud on the East Coast for the NBC News Investigative Unit.

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59% of U.S. parents with lower incomes say their child may face digital obstacles in schoolwork

High school senior Jocelyn Hernandez follows a remote class while sitting in a community garden near her home on Aug. 14, 2020, in Los Angeles. (Robyn Beck/AFP via Getty Images)

Communities across the United States are facing challenges of remote learning as K-12 schools have shifted to online classes or been forced to go remote after students or staff tested positive for COVID-19 early in the term.

Many of these schools faced similar problems in the spring. A new analysis of Pew Research Center data collected in early April finds that 59% of parents with lower incomes who had children in schools that were remote at the time said their children would likely face at least one of three digital obstacles asked about.

Roughly six-in-ten parents with lower incomes said it’s likely their homebound children would face at least one digital obstacle to doing their schoolwork

Overall, 38% of parents with children whose K-12 schools closed in the spring said that their child was very or somewhat likely to face one or more of these issues. In addition, parents with middle incomes were about twice as likely as parents with higher incomes to report anticipating issues.

Concerns related to the “homework gap” have affected families and driven policymakers for years. After the coronavirus outbreak shut down most of the country, including most K-12 schools, some parents reported worries about how their child would be able to complete their schoolwork from home , according to the Center’s April 7-12 survey of U.S. adults. At the time, 29% of parents with homebound schoolchildren said it was very or somewhat likely their children would have to do their schoolwork on a cellphone. About one-in-five parents also said it was at least somewhat likely their children would not be able to complete their schoolwork because they did not have access to a computer at home (21%) or would have to use public Wi-Fi to finish their schoolwork because there was not a reliable internet connection at home (22%).

Pew Research Center conducted this study to understand how Americans think about the role of the internet and computers amid the coronavirus outbreak. For this analysis, we surveyed 4,917 U.S. adults from April 7-12, 2020. Everyone who took part is a member of Pew Research Center’s American Trends Panel (ATP), an online survey panel that is recruited through national, random sampling of residential addresses. This way nearly all U.S. adults have a chance of selection. This gives us confidence that any sample can represent the whole U.S. adult population. (See our Methods 101 explainer on random sampling.) The survey is weighted to be representative of the U.S. adult population by gender, race, ethnicity, partisan affiliation, education and other categories. Read more about the ATP’s methodology .

Portions of this analysis cover different income groups. To create the upper-, middle- and lower-income tiers used in this report, family incomes based on 2018 earnings were adjusted for differences in purchasing power by geographic region and for household sizes. Middle income is defined as two-thirds to double the median annual income for all panelists. Lower income falls below that range; upper income falls above it. For more information about how the income tiers were determined, please read this .

Here are the questions used for this report, along with responses, and its methodology .

Those parental anxieties come at a time when there are debates about the role of schools in providing technology to students. Overall, the vast majority of Americans (80%) said in the April survey that they believed K-12 schools have a responsibility to at least some of their students to provide computers or tablets to help students complete their schoolwork during the outbreak, including 37% who said schools have this responsibility to all of their students.

Parents who anticipated at least one of these obstacles were more likely than others to say schools should provide computers to at least some students during the outbreak (92%) and that the government should ensure high-speed internet access to all Americans during the outbreak (57%). By comparison, fewer parents who expected their child to encounter no such challenges said the same (80% and 34%, respectively).

The internet has been important for many Americans, including non-parents, during the coronavirus outbreak. Nearly nine-in-ten Americans said the internet had been important or essential to them during the outbreak as of early April. However, only a minority believed it is the federal government’s responsibility to ensure all Americans have a high-speed internet connection at home during the outbreak.

Some groups – in particular, those who view the internet as essential or worry about affording it – were more likely to believe that the government should be responsible for ensuring internet access during the pandemic.

Those who are concerned about paying for internet are more likely to say the government should ensure internet access during the COVID-19 outbreak

Overall, 37% of U.S. adults said in spring that the federal government has a responsibility to ensure all Americans have a high-speed internet connection at home during the outbreak, but this varied by people’s concerns about paying for these services.

Broadband users who were concerned a lot or some about paying for their internet over the next few months were 21 percentage points more likely than those who were not too or not at all worried to say the government has a responsibility to ensure internet access for all Americans during the outbreak (52% vs. 31%).

At the same time, the public’s views varied by the level of importance they placed on the internet during this time. While 44% of Americans who said the internet has been essential to them personally during this outbreak believed the government has a responsibility during the pandemic to ensure that all Americans have high-speed internet access, these shares were smaller among those who deemed the internet as important but not essential (31%) and those who described the internet during this time as not too or not at all important (25%).

Views on the issue also varied by partisanship. Overall, Democrats and independents who lean Democratic were more likely than Republicans and Republican leaners to say the federal government has a responsibility to ensure all Americans have a high-speed internet connection during the outbreak (52% vs. 22%). While the majority of Republicans (77%) opposed this initiative, it is worth noting that about half of Democrats (48%) also did not support government involvement.

Democrats are consistently more likely than Republicans to say the government should ensure internet access for all Americans during the COVID-19 outbreak

When it came to partisan differences on this issue among broadband users, the gap between Democrats who were worried about affording their internet bills over the next few months and those who were not was relatively small. Some 58% of Democratic broadband users who worried about paying their internet bills backed the idea of government ensuring high-speed access during the pandemic, compared with 49% of the Democrats who weren’t worried about their broadband bills – a 9 percentage point difference. Among Republican broadband users in these different groups, there was a 31-point gap.

As many activities have been shifted online , the coronavirus outbreak has sparked debates about the digital divide – the gap between those who have access to technology and those who do not. One solution put forth by advocates would be to treat the internet as a public utility to which all citizens should have equal access.

Public support for government assistance on this issue is relatively low when compared with other areas. In a 2019 Center survey, 28% of U.S. adults said the federal government has a responsibility to provide access to high-speed internet to all Americans. Americans were much more likely to say the federal government has a responsibility to provide other support and services, such as high-quality K-12 education (80%), adequate medical care (73%) or health insurance (64%).

Note: Here are the questions used for this report, along with responses, and its methodology .

Children & Tech
COVID-19 & Politics
COVID-19 & Technology
Digital Divide
Economic Inequality
Education & Learning Online
Income & Wages
Teens & Youth
User Demographics

Emily A. Vogels is a former research associate focusing on internet and technology at Pew Research Center .

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