write an essay on political system of nepal

Political Instability And Uncertainty Loom Large In Nepal

By  gaurab shumsher thapa, in south asia.

• February 16, 2021

This article was originally published in South Asian Voices.

Nepal’s domestic politics have been undergoing a turbulent and significant shift. On December 20, 2020, at the recommendation of Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli, President Bidya Devi Bhandari  dissolved  the House of Representatives, calling for snap elections in April and May 2021. Oli’s move was a result of a serious internal rift within the ruling Nepal Communist Party (NCP) that threatened to depose him from power. Opposition parties and other civil society stakeholders have condemned the move as unconstitutional and several writs have been  filed  against the move at the Supreme Court (SC) with hearings underway. Massive  protests  have taken place condemning the prime minister’s move. If the SC reinstates the parliament, Oli is in course to lose the moral authority to govern and could be subject to a vote of no-confidence. If the SC validates his move, it is unclear if he would be able to return to power with a majority.

The formation of a strong government after decades of political instability was expected to lead to a socioeconomic transformation of Nepal. Regardless of the SC’s decision, the country is likely to see an escalation of political tensions in the days ahead. The internal rift that led to the December parliamentary dissolution and the political dimensions of the current predicament along with the domestic and geopolitical implications of internal political instability will lead to a serious and long-term weakening of Nepal’s democratic fabric.

Power Sharing and Legitimacy in the NCP

Differences between NCP chairs Oli and former Prime Minister Pushpa Kamal Dahal have largely premised on a power-sharing arrangement, leading to a vertical division in the party. In the December 2017 parliamentary elections, a coalition between the Oli-led Communist Party of Nepal (Unified Marxist Leninist or UML) and the Dahal-led Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist Center or MC)  won  nearly two-thirds of the seats. In May 2018, both parties merged to  form  the NCP. However, internal politics weakened this merger. While both the factions claim to represent the authentic party, the Election Commission has sought clarifications from both factions before deciding on the matter. According to the  Political Party Act , the faction that can substantiate its claim by providing signatures of at least 40 percent of its central committee members is eligible to get recognized as the official party. The faction that is officially recognized will get the privilege of retaining the party and election symbol, while the unrecognized faction will have to register as a new party which can hamper its future electoral prospects. A faction led by Dahal and former Prime Minister Madahav Kumar Nepal, was planning to initiate a vote of no-confidence motion against Oli but, sensing an imminent threat to his position, Oli decided to motion for the dissolution of the parliament.

Internal Party Dynamics

Several internal political dynamics have led to the current state of turmoil within the NCP. Dahal has accused Oli of disregarding the power-sharing arrangement agreed upon during the formation of NCP according to which Oli was  supposed  to hand over either the premiership or the executive chairmanship of the party to Dahal. In September 2020, both the leaders reached an  agreement  under which Oli would serve the remainder of his term as prime minister and Dahal would act as the executive chair of the party. Yet, Oli  failed  to demonstrate any intention to relinquish either post, increasing friction within the party. Additionally, Oli made unilateral appointments to several cabinet and government positions, further consolidating his individual authority over the newly formed NCP. He also  sidelined  the senior leader of the NCP and former Prime Minister Madhav Kumar Nepal, leading Nepal to side with Dahal over Oli. Consequently, Oli chose to dissolve the parliament and seek a fresh mandate rather than face a vote of no-confidence. Importantly, party unity between the Marxist-Leninist CPN (UML) and the Maoist CPN (MC) did not lead to expected ideological unification.

Domestic Politics and Geopolitics

Geopolitical factors and external actors have historically impacted Nepal’s domestic political landscape. Recently, in a bid to cement his authority over the NCP, Oli has attempted to improve ties with India—lately strained due to Nepal’s  inclusion  of disputed territories in its new political map—resulting in recent  high-level visits  from both countries. India has also  provided  Nepal with one million doses of COVID-19 vaccines as part of its vaccine diplomacy efforts in the region. However, while India has previously  interfered  in Nepal’s  domestic politics , it has described the current power struggle as an “ internal matter ” to prevent backlash from Nepali policymakers and to avoid a potential spillover of political unrest.

However, India’s traditionally dominant influence in Nepal has been challenged by China’s ascendancy in recent years. Due to  fears  of Tibetans potentially using Nepal’s soil to conduct anti-China activities, China considers Nepal important to its national security strategy. Beijing has traditionally maintained a non-interventionist approach to foreign policy; however, this approach is gradually changing as is evident from the Chinese ambassador to Nepal’s  proactive efforts  to  address  current crises within the NCP. Nepal’s media  speculates  that China is in favor of keeping the NCP intact as the ideological affinity between the NCP and the Communist Party of China could help China exert its political and economic influence over Nepal.

Although China is aware of India’s traditionally influential role in Nepal, it is also  skeptical  of growing U.S. interest in the Himalayan state; especially considering Oli’s push for parliamentary approval of the USD $500 million Millennium Challenge Corporation (MCC) grant assistance from the United States to finance the construction of electrical transmission lines in Nepal. In contrast, Dahal has opposed the MCC and has described it as part of the U.S.-led Indo-Pacific Strategy to contain China. Given Nepal is a signatory to China’s Belt and Road Initiative, Beijing might prefer development projects under the BRI framework and could lobby the Nepali government to delay or reject U.S.-led projects.

Implications for Future Governance

After the political  changes  of 2006 which ended Nepal’s decade-long armed conflict, it was expected that political stability would usher in economic development to the country. Moreover, a strong majority government under Oli raised hopes of achieving modernization. Sadly, ruling party leaders have instead engaged in a bitter power struggle, and government  corruption scandals  have undermined trust in the administration.

Amidst the current turmoil within the NCP, the main opposition party, Nepali Congress (NC), is hoping that an NCP division will raise its prospects of coming to power in the future. Although the NC has  denounced  Oli’s move for snap elections as unconstitutional, it has also stated that it will not shy away from elections if the SC decides to dissolve the lower house. Sensing increasing instability, several royalist parties and groups have accused the government of  corruption  and protested on the streets for the reinstatement of the Hindu state and constitutional monarchy to reinvent and stabilize Nepal’s image and identity.

The last parliamentary elections had provided a  mandate  of five years for the NCP to govern the country. However, Oli  decided  to seek a fresh mandate, claiming that the Dahal-Nepal faction obstructed the smooth functioning of the government. Unfortunately, domestic political instability has resurfaced as the result of an internal personality rift within the party. This worsening democratic situation will not benefit either India or China—both want to circumvent potential spillover effects. Even if the SC validates Oli’s move, elections in April are not confirmed. If elections were not held within six months from the date of dissolution, a constitutional crisis could occur. If the Supreme Court overturns Oli’s decision, he could lose his position as both the prime minister and the NCP chair. Regardless of the outcome, Nepali politics is bound to face deepening uncertainty in the days ahead.

This article was originally published in  South Asian Voices.

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Thursday, 11 April, 2024

Nepal Democracy

Keeping Freedom in Ne's Work

Politics in Nepal: Challenges and Opportunities

Nepal, a small Himalayan country located between India and China, has a complex political landscape. Since the transition from monarchy to republic in 2008, Nepal has witnessed numerous changes in its political system , including the adoption of a new constitution in 2015. However, the country still faces many challenges in terms of political stability and governance.

Political System 

Nepal is a federal democratic republic with a bicameral parliament and a multi-party system.  However, debates and controversies regarding federalism, representation, and minority rights continue despite the adoption of a new constitution in 2015.

Political Parties 

Nepal has a vibrant political party system with more than 100 registered political parties. The major parties include the Nepal Communist Party, Nepali Congress, and Rastriya Janata Party. However, the frequent changes in political alliances and leadership have led to instability and uncertainty in the political landscape.

Political Challenges 

Nepal faces major challenges in its political system including corruption, which has negatively impacted economic development and social welfare. Other challenges include inadequate infrastructure, limited access to education and healthcare, and issues related to human rights and gender equality.

Opportunities for Political Reform 

Nepal has opportunities for political reform and development, including a young and growing population, a strategic location, and abundant natural resources. The country has also made significant progress in political stability and democratic governance since the end of the civil war in 2006.

Government Opportunities

The government in Nepal is exploring new initiatives to promote sustainable transportation, including incentivizing the use of eco-friendly options like the Electric Scooter. These efforts can help reduce Nepal’s carbon footprint and improve the health and well-being of its citizens.

Additionally, the government can leverage this opportunity to promote economic growth and job creation in the clean energy sector. By teaching on how to wash Mi Electric Scooters to properly maintain it. Nepalese citizens can contribute to the success of this initiative and help shape the future of sustainable transportation in their country.

The political landscape in Nepal is complex and multifaceted, with both challenges and opportunities. 

Addressing the challenges facing the country will require a concerted effort from all stakeholders, including the following:

Civil society

Private sector.

By working together, Nepal can harness its potential and achieve greater political stability, social welfare, and economic development.

• Projects & Operations

Supporting Nepal’s Historic Transition to Federalism

Dissemination of the Federalism Capacity Needs Assessment to the Government of Nepal together with development partners.

The 2015 Constitution established Nepal as a federal democratic republic with three tiers of government – local, provincial and federal. The country in effect made a historic move from a unitary form of government to a federal system with 753 local levels, seven provincial governments, and one federal government. This shift provides opportunities to decentralize development benefits and make service delivery more effective and accountable. At the same time, state restructuring on this scale is unchartered territory for Nepal and ensuring a smooth transition is a daunting task. Jurisdictional overlap among the three tiers of government, lack of clarity and coherence between policies and devolved powers, reducing duplication of efforts, and creating government capacity are key challenges to Nepal’s successful transition to federalism.

Launched by the Government of Nepal in September 2018, the Federalism Capacity Needs Assessment (FCNA) was delivered, in September 2019, under the Nepal Federalism Support Platform analytical and advisory service (ASA) provided by the World Bank. The FCNA provided a just-in-time assessment of the capacity needs to implement federalism at the three tiers (local, provincial and federal) of government and recommended a roadmap to improve Nepal’s capacity readiness for federalism implementation.

The assessment covered the federal government, seven provincial governments and 115 local governments, and focused on three main elements of capacity: organizational, institutional and regulatory, and physical infrastructure. The FCNA was endorsed by the government at both the federal and provincial levels.

provided for the Federalism Capacity Needs Assessment (FCNA) - a just-in-time assessment of the capacity needs to implement federalism at the three tiers of government

The World Bank is key development partner supporting Nepal’s federalism agenda. The analysis undertaken through the Nepal Federalism Support Platform, focused on building government ownership of the FCNA and operationalizing the findings, has helped produce several key policy and operational outcomes between 2018 and 2020:

• The government has prepared a Capacity Development Roadmap based on the FCNA findings to guide capacity development and leverage synergies across government and development partner-supported programs.
• The Government of Nepal and World Bank have agreed to a continuous assessment of capacity readiness at the three tiers of government to implement federalism using the FCNA framework.
• The World Bank has helped design a Local Government Census using the FCNA framework.
• The FCNA has provided the baseline information and evidence for the design of a government-led Provincial and Local Government Support Program (PLGSP). The PLGSP, which began in July 2019, is a 4-year, $130 million capacity development project of which $100 million is provided by the U.K.’s Department for International Development (DFID), the Swiss Agency for Development and Corporation (SDC), Norway, European Union, and the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP). The government has contributed $30 million.
• Provincial Chief Ministers have requested that the FCNA be institutionalized as a key intergovernmental coordination mechanism and decision-making tool for the implementation of the federalism agenda.

Bank Group Contribution

The World Bank’s financial contribution and support work for the FCNA began in 2017 and totaled $630,000.

The FCNA was led by the Government of Nepal with additional financial and technical assistance from United Nations Development Programme (UNDP), the U.K.’s Department for International Development (DFID) and the Swiss Agency for Development and Corporation (SDC). The UNDP independently financed a survey to determine capacity gaps of targeted municipalities and provinces that fed into the FCNA. In 2018-19, DFID and SDC made financial contributions through the Federalism Implementation Support Program, with $715,532 from DFID and $32,957 from SDC. These funds from different sources financed such activities as data collection, analysis, production of outputs in different forms and languages and multi-stakeholder consultations.     

Moving Forward

The FCNA final report was launched in January 2020, and the Government has since developed the FCNA implementation plans. The Government intends to operationalize key FCNA recommendations through the PLGSP, the Government’s main program for capacity development for subnational governments to implement federalism. This program is jointly funded by the Government of Nepal and a number of development partners consisting of DFID, SDC, Norway, European Union, and the United Nations. In response to the FCNA findings, the World Bank is developing the Federalism Filter for Nepal to incentivize intergovernmental coordination and prioritization of capacity building for federalism through World Bank and Development Partner operations in Nepal.

Beneficiaries

Beneficiaries of this analytical and advisory work on the transition to federalism include government officials at all three tiers of government, development partners, civil society organizations (CSOs) and academia in Nepal, as well as the private sector. It is also meant to inform the design of World Bank operations in Nepal.

“Nepal’s transition to federalism significantly increases the need to develop capacity at all levels of the government and to modernize the governance system and institutional framework as an ongoing process.” The FCNA “will help in taking on new service delivery responsibilities as required in the federal set-up, and also meet growing demand for better public services.”

Dr. Yuba Raj Khatiwada, former Minister of Finance

• Nepal Federalism Support Platform (2019-2020)
• FCNA Report
• FCNA Brochure
• Press Release: New government report takes stock of federalism in Nepal
• Press Release: Provincial Leaders Commit to Implement Findings of Federalism Stocktaking Report

The Britain-Nepal Society

Constitutional and Political Developments in Nepal and the Challenges in the Implementation of the New Constitution

By Professor Surya P. Subedi, QC

It was in 1768, when King Prithivi Narayan Shah conquered the city of Kathmandu and its surrounding areas, the newly unified territory called ‘Nepal’ was formed. Post-unification, Nepal was predominately ruled by monarchy. Later, a local warrior caste called the Rana’s, usurped state power from the monarchy and took control of Nepal till 1951. Subsequently, power was restored to the monarchy under King Tribhuvan and his son and grandson continued his legacy effectively as executive monarchs until 1990 under an indigenous system of governance known as party less panchayat system. However, the people’s movement in 1989/90 led to the restoration of parliamentary system of government and a constitutional monarchy under a new Constitution.

The fall of the Berlin Wall, the end of the Cold War and the collapse of Communism taking place around the same time had a tremendous impact on the people of Nepal. The year 1990 was a colourful chapter in Nepal’s history. The 1990 Constitution was the cornerstone for the development of constitutionalism and for restoration of democratic values and norms. Most importantly it established Nepal as constitutional monarchy. Unfortunately, the aspirations of the political movement were not fulfilled.

Only a few years after the establishment of a multi-party democracy, a small ultra-leftist party, calling itself the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist), began a brutal armed rebellion against the state in five districts of the mid-and far-west. These districts were underdeveloped and isolated from the capital. Inspired by a similar guerrilla war in Peru called the ‘Shining Path,’ the Maoist Party labelled its campaign ‘People’s War’. The Maoists began their campaign by strategically targeting state apparatus such as police stations and government offices.

Today, the factors behind the Maoist-led insurgency are better known. Back then however, the Maoist’s campaign bedevilled scholars and civil society. Over the decade-long insurgency, Nepal witnessed several violations and abuse by both the government security forces and the Maoists. Extra-judicial killings were recorded throughout the country. At the height of the insurgency, in June 2001, nine members of Nepal’s royal family, including the King and Queen, were killed in a tragic murder-suicide apparently committed by the Crown Prince. This episode was the beginning of the end of monarchy in Nepal. After the death of King Birendra and his immediate heirs, King Birendra’s younger brother Gyanendra Bir Bikram Shah became the new king. For the new king, his sudden ascension to the throne and the ongoing Maoist insurgency provided a political opportunity to consolidate power. He deployed the Royal Nepal Army against the Maoists, a step that his older brother had pointedly refused to do. The use of the national army against the Maoists turned the insurgency into a full-fledged civil war. He next used provision of the Constitution and declared a ‘state of emergency’ in Nepal to suspend all political rights and freedoms.

The absolutist and authoritarian rule of the King united the political parties. Facing a common political enemy in King Gyanendra, these political parties first formed an alliance among themselves (Seven-Party Alliance – SPA), and then united with the still-underground Maoist Party to launch another people’s movement against the King’s rule. The overwhelming response from the people in favour of the movement forced the King to surrender his powers to the leaders of the political parties. A Comprehensive Peace Accord was signed between the SPA and the Maoist, which brought the Maoist Party into the political mainstream.

The main objective of the agreement between the Maoists and other political parties was to hold fresh elections to elect a constituent assembly to write a permanent constitution for the country. The purpose of a new permanent constitution was aimed at restructuring the system of governance within the country and allowing equal access to power for people of all traditionally marginalised ethnic, religious and racial groups in this highly stratified traditional society, and to eliminate discrimination against them. Thus, when the election for the constituent assembly took place in April 2008 and the monarchy was abolished a month later by the Assembly, Nepal had completed one of the important phases of political transition.

However, due to the lack of consensus amongst the major political parties on some key issues such as the criteria for the new federal structure of the country and the form of governance, the Constituent Assembly was not able to agree on a new constitution. After four years of its existence the Assembly was dissolved in May 2012, as the Supreme Court of the country ruled that the Assembly could not go on indefinitely in a state of political stalemate since it had initially been elected with a two-year mandate in 2008. A second constituent assembly election was conducted in 2013. Again, the drafting process dragged on for almost two years. But the massive April 2015 earthquake pressured the political parties to draft and pass a constitution, which was promulgated in September 2015. It established Nepal as a republic, made the country secular, and adopted a federal structure. Even though the constitution was passed by 90 percent of votes in Parliament, a few political parties walked out of the process and protested the constitution for not being inclusive enough or not embracing a fully-fledged federalism.

The task ahead in implement ting the new constitution look daunting. The Madhesh based political parties and some ethnic or janajati groups are demanding a major amendment to the constitution to make the federal structure more meaningful and more autonomous. However, the country is in the process of implementing the new constitution and a first round of local elections under the new constitution have taken place. The second round of local elections, then state or provincial level elections and finally national elections for parliament are scheduled to take place within this year after which the country will have completed the political process that began with the abolition of monarchy and declaration of Nepal as a federal democratic republic. Going by the way the first round of local elections that took place in May 2017, democracy seems to be maturing in Nepal.

If the country achieves political stability it is poised to take off in terms of its economic development. There is now a ray of hope for the people in this ancient country stricken by one after another man-made and nature-made tragedy in its recent history. The system of governance is now more inclusive and people are free to speak their mind and exercise and assert their rights. A kind of social renaissance seems to be underway in the country. But the road ahead in implementing the new constitution is not going to be smooth. It will require statesmanship on the part of the political leaders, accommodation of competing interests and tolerance and above all a faith in the rule of law and respect for human rights.

Traditionally, a new constitution is needed in a country following a major political upheaval in the country whether it is after gaining independence from colonial rule (e.g.in India) or a successful revolution (e.g. the Bolshevik revolution in Russia) or break up of a federal state resulting in the creation of many independent states (e.g. the former USSR or Yugoslavia), or a major change of the political system (e.g. South Africa after apartheid). But Nepal’s Maoist insurgency was not a successful revolution by any measure. Nevertheless, the abolition of the monarchy was a major event and the country needed a new constitution to embrace a republican system of government and accommodate some of the provisions in the Comprehensive Peace Agreement concluded with the Maoists.

The challenges ahead for Nepal is to institutionalise the changes that have taken place in the political landscape of the country and make them work in the interests of the people belonging to all sections of the population. The challenges include (1) ushering the country towards a new era of economic development through political stability (2) ensuring inclusivity in all aspects of governance (3) managing identity politics (4) addressing the concerns of the Madheshi political parties (5) decentralising power and (6) addressing the issues of transitional justice. Since the new constitution opted for a parliamentary system of governance, observers wonder whether it will bring about political stability given the diversity within Nepal in terms of ethnicity, race, religion, caste and creed of all kinds. Critics have also pointed out the weak or inadequate provisions in the constitution on transitional justice.

However, there are many positive aspects of political and constitutional changes in the country. To begin with, Nepal is one of those rare countries which abolished the monarchy in a peaceful manner. King Gyanendra left the royal palace in a dignified manner after holding a press conference to announce his departure from the palace. Second, Nepal’s peace process has been an indigenous one in which the internal political actors took ownership of the process. This has not been the case in many countries around the globe and Cambodia is an example where the UN needed a heavy involvement to manage the peace process.

The new constitution was the result of a compromise between the major political parties. It was written and adopted by a two-thirds majority of the constituent assembly elected by the people. It is based on democratic principles, the rule of law, respect for human rights, judicial independence, separation of power and the checks and balances between the major organs of the state (i.e. the judiciary, the executive and the legislature). It includes provisions for inclusivity and proportional or equitable representation in governance of the country at all levels and access to the resources and services offered by the State. It has one of the most progressive provisions in terms of women’s participation in power and the representation of the traditionally marginalised groups such as the Dalits of Nepal.

In conclusion, the political and constitutional progress in Nepal thus far is looking encouraging. Nepal has a great deal to offer to the outside world. A well-managed tourism sector alone can generate a great deal of revenue needed to support the people. Development of water resources for the benefit not only of Nepal but also for the population of India and Bangladesh is a real possibility. Time and again, the people of Nepal have demonstrated how resilient they are and they have demonstrated their maturity in exercising their democratic rights. In sum, Nepal has many ingredients already in place that are needed to develop its economy. If the new constitution enables the people to elect to power relatively clean, efficient and democratic government led by visionary people that can provide political stability, it should not take long for Nepal to gain the status of a middle-income country. If all the political actors adopt a liberated mindset and embrace tolerance, plurality and accommodate competing interests in the political structure and process in the country, Nepal stands to transform herself very quickly as a forward-looking nation aiming to achieve both sustainable and equitable economic development underpinned by the values of democracy and the rule of law.

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Insights into the modern political history of Nepal

Deepak Adhikari

Author and geopolitical analyst Sanjay Upadhya explores Nepal’s complex political landscape in his most recent book, ‘Democracy in Turns: A Political Account of Nepal . ’ This is Upadhya’s fifth book. In his earlier works, he tackled Nepal’s political transformation after the end of the Maoist insurgency and the rivalry between China and India in Nepal and wrote about how India adopted British colonial policies vis-à-vis Nepal after its independence from the empire.

A year ago, through the publication of ‘Empowered and Imperiled: Nepal’s Peace Puzzle in Bits and Pieces,’ Upadhya exposed himself as the pseudonymous blogger behind sharp takes on Nepali politics that were published in the popular blog Nepali Netbook , where he wrote under ‘Maila Baje’.

Upadhya attempts to give readers a thorough overview of modern Nepali history, focusing on the political transformation beginning in the 1990s. And like most authors who write about Nepal’s modern history, he begins with the conquest of petty kingdoms by Prithvi Narayan Shah and his armies. When you begin at this historical juncture, you have to narrate the court intrigues and massacres in the palace until the end of the Rana autocracy. The author dutifully paints the period with short brushes.

One admirable quality of ‘Democracy in Turns’ is Upadhya’s presentation of a survey of modern Nepali history, allowing readers to grasp an overview of the country’s political landscape. The title chapter at the end provides a summary of the preceding chapters. The book ends with the Supreme Court’s decision to overturn the parliament dissolution recommended by the Oli government on February 23, 2021. Upadhya has crammed all the significant events of the country’s modern history into 280 pages.

Such an ambitious project is bound to face challenges. Rather than providing new insights or original analysis, the book primarily recycles recent history. While some readers may appreciate the brevity and clarity of the writing style, others might yearn for a more in-depth exploration of the last 30 years of Nepali history.

Upadhya assumes a certain level of familiarity with the inside accounts of recent Nepali history, making it a challenging read for those less versed in the country’s political context. ‘Democracy in Turns’ demands prior knowledge or additional research about these events. Explaining historical events is just as important as chronicling them. The book fails to do this adequately.

One aspect that may disappoint readers is the author’s heavy reliance on international sources such as The New York Times, Time, and The Washington Post. Although these sources provide valuable perspectives, a more extensive inclusion of Nepali language publications would have offered more significant insights. The book may neglect the nuances and complexities of Nepal’s political landscape as experienced by Nepalis because it mostly draws from foreign and English sources. One book that comes to mind for its focus on local sources is ‘ People, Politics and Ideology: Democracy and Social Change in Nepal ’, which covers the two pro-democracy revolutions of 1950 and 1990.

Nevertheless, ‘Democracy in Turns’ does offer insightful commentary in certain instances. An example is when the author exposes the political parties’ deception: “Most parties acknowledged the political, social and economic grievances behind the movement while in opposition. Once in power, they relied on the reinforcement of police units.” The book captures the fast-paced political transformation during the period between the launch of the Maoist insurgency and the subsequent peace process. This roller-coaster period in Nepal’s recent history deserves a book of its own, given the intensity of the events that unfolded over the decade.

The book occasionally suffers from disjointed sentences that fail to build narrative tension—a common pitfall when attempting to condense a lengthy history into concise passages. Some sections present weighty sentences about consequential moves without adequately explaining their implications.

For example, the book talks about the transition from an autocratic Panchayat regime to constitutional monarchy and multi-party democracy in the 1990s: “[Prime Minister Krishna Prasad] Bhattarai then turned to dismantle the structure of the Panchayat regime to facilitate the functioning of the interim government.” The book provides no further elaboration on this, swiftly describing Bhattarai’s subsequent challenges of holding elections and drafting a constitution. The book also seems to display a bias in favour of the Shah monarchy, portraying it as benign while blaming its demise on the political parties and their dysfunction.

The book highlights the Maoist duplicity during the war and their dexterity at playing off power centres in Kathmandu and New Delhi. In contrast, the portrayal of King Gyanendra’s unconstitutional move is watered down, failing to adequately demonstrate the implications of what Indian journalist Siddharth Varadarajan defined as a “monumental folly.”

Here is what happened: The Royal Takeover led to a crackdown on civil spaces, including news media. Gyandendra eschewed anti-corruption agencies such as CIAA and set up an unconstitutional body, appointing his henchmen. The goal was not to crack down on corruption but to weaken the pro-democracy movement. He relied on a coterie of outdated politicians (like Tulsi Giri) who weren’t in sync with changing times.

Despite its limitations, ‘Democracy in Turns’ is a valuable primer on Nepal’s recent political history. It offers readers a starting point from which they can explore and deepen their understanding of the country’s democratic journey. Upadhya gives readers a foundation on which to build further knowledge by summarising the important events.

Democracy in Turns: A Political Account of Nepal

Author: Sanjay Upadhya

Publisher: FinePrint

Deepak Adhikari Adhikari is a freelance journalist based in Kathmandu.

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