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The SkillsYouNeed Guide to Interpersonal Skills

Social problem-solving might also be called ‘ problem-solving in real life ’. In other words, it is a rather academic way of describing the systems and processes that we use to solve the problems that we encounter in our everyday lives.

The word ‘ social ’ does not mean that it only applies to problems that we solve with other people, or, indeed, those that we feel are caused by others. The word is simply used to indicate the ‘ real life ’ nature of the problems, and the way that we approach them.

Social problem-solving is generally considered to apply to four different types of problems:

• Impersonal problems, for example, shortage of money;
• Personal problems, for example, emotional or health problems;
• Interpersonal problems, such as disagreements with other people; and
• Community and wider societal problems, such as litter or crime rate.

A Model of Social Problem-Solving

One of the main models used in academic studies of social problem-solving was put forward by a group led by Thomas D’Zurilla.

This model includes three basic concepts or elements:

Problem-solving

This is defined as the process used by an individual, pair or group to find an effective solution for a particular problem. It is a self-directed process, meaning simply that the individual or group does not have anyone telling them what to do. Parts of this process include generating lots of possible solutions and selecting the best from among them.

A problem is defined as any situation or task that needs some kind of a response if it is to be managed effectively, but to which no obvious response is available. The demands may be external, from the environment, or internal.

A solution is a response or coping mechanism which is specific to the problem or situation. It is the outcome of the problem-solving process.

Once a solution has been identified, it must then be implemented. D’Zurilla’s model distinguishes between problem-solving (the process that identifies a solution) and solution implementation (the process of putting that solution into practice), and notes that the skills required for the two are not necessarily the same. It also distinguishes between two parts of the problem-solving process: problem orientation and actual problem-solving.

Problem Orientation

Problem orientation is the way that people approach problems, and how they set them into the context of their existing knowledge and ways of looking at the world.

Each of us will see problems in a different way, depending on our experience and skills, and this orientation is key to working out which skills we will need to use to solve the problem.

An Example of Orientation

Most people, on seeing a spout of water coming from a loose joint between a tap and a pipe, will probably reach first for a cloth to put round the joint to catch the water, and then a phone, employing their research skills to find a plumber.

A plumber, however, or someone with some experience of plumbing, is more likely to reach for tools to mend the joint and fix the leak. It’s all a question of orientation.

Problem-Solving

Problem-solving includes four key skills:

• Defining the problem,
• Coming up with alternative solutions,
• Making a decision about which solution to use, and
• Implementing that solution.

Based on this split between orientation and problem-solving, D’Zurilla and colleagues defined two scales to measure both abilities.

They defined two orientation dimensions, positive and negative, and three problem-solving styles, rational, impulsive/careless and avoidance.

They noted that people who were good at orientation were not necessarily good at problem-solving and vice versa, although the two might also go together.

It will probably be obvious from these descriptions that the researchers viewed positive orientation and rational problem-solving as functional behaviours, and defined all the others as dysfunctional, leading to psychological distress.

The skills required for positive problem orientation are:

Being able to see problems as ‘challenges’, or opportunities to gain something, rather than insurmountable difficulties at which it is only possible to fail.

For more about this, see our page on The Importance of Mindset ;

Believing that problems are solvable. While this, too, may be considered an aspect of mindset, it is also important to use techniques of Positive Thinking ;

Believing that you personally are able to solve problems successfully, which is at least in part an aspect of self-confidence.

See our page on Building Confidence for more;

Understanding that solving problems successfully will take time and effort, which may require a certain amount of resilience ; and

Motivating yourself to solve problems immediately, rather than putting them off.

See our pages on Self-Motivation and Time Management for more.

Those who find it harder to develop positive problem orientation tend to view problems as insurmountable obstacles, or a threat to their well-being, doubt their own abilities to solve problems, and become frustrated or upset when they encounter problems.

The skills required for rational problem-solving include:

The ability to gather information and facts, through research. There is more about this on our page on defining and identifying problems ;

The ability to set suitable problem-solving goals. You may find our page on personal goal-setting helpful;

The application of rational thinking to generate possible solutions. You may find some of the ideas on our Creative Thinking page helpful, as well as those on investigating ideas and solutions ;

Good decision-making skills to decide which solution is best. See our page on Decision-Making for more; and

Implementation skills, which include the ability to plan, organise and do. You may find our pages on Action Planning , Project Management and Solution Implementation helpful.

There is more about the rational problem-solving process on our page on Problem-Solving .

Potential Difficulties

Those who struggle to manage rational problem-solving tend to either:

• Rush things without thinking them through properly (the impulsive/careless approach), or
• Avoid them through procrastination, ignoring the problem, or trying to persuade someone else to solve the problem (the avoidance mode).

This ‘ avoidance ’ is not the same as actively and appropriately delegating to someone with the necessary skills (see our page on Delegation Skills for more).

Instead, it is simple ‘buck-passing’, usually characterised by a lack of selection of anyone with the appropriate skills, and/or an attempt to avoid responsibility for the problem.

An Academic Term for a Human Process?

You may be thinking that social problem-solving, and the model described here, sounds like an academic attempt to define very normal human processes. This is probably not an unreasonable summary.

However, breaking a complex process down in this way not only helps academics to study it, but also helps us to develop our skills in a more targeted way. By considering each element of the process separately, we can focus on those that we find most difficult: maximum ‘bang for your buck’, as it were.

Continue to: Decision Making Creative Problem-Solving

See also: What is Empathy? Social Skills

1.2 Defining a Social Problem

Figure 1.2 Sociologist Anna Leon-Guerrero. We use her definition of a social problem.

When you think about the current issues facing our society and our planet, you might name war, addiction, climate change, houselessness, or the global pandemic as social problems. You would be right, sort of. Sociologists need to be more specific than that. Because they are trying to explain what social problems are or how to fix them, they need a much more precise definition. Sociology professor and author Anna Leon-Guerrero (figure 1.2) defines a social problem as “a social condition or pattern of behavior that has negative consequences for individuals, our social world, or our physical world.”(2018:4).

More concretely, it is not just that one person gets sick from COVID-19. The social problem is that our healthcare systems are overwhelmed with sick patients. People are experiencing different rates of exposure to COVID-19. Their health outcomes differ because of their race, class, and gender. Because social problems affect people across the social and physical worlds, the solutions to social problems must be collectively created. It is not enough for one person to get well, although that may really matter to you. Instead, we must act collectively, as groups, governments, or systems to identify and implement solutions. Our health is personal, but getting well depends on all of us.

To talk effectively about social problems, we must understand their characteristics. In this text, we will explore five important dimensions of a social problem :

• A social problem goes beyond the experience of an individual.
• A social problem results from a conflict in values.
• A social problem arises when groups of people experience inequality.
• A social problem is socially constructed but real in its consequences.
• A social problem must be addressed interdependently, using both individual agency and collective action.

In the following section, we examine each of these five characteristics. Where these characteristics exist, social problems follow. Each component provides an additional layer of explanation about why any human problem is a social problem.

1.2.1 Social Problems: Beyond Individual Experience

Individuals have problems. Social problems, though, go beyond the experience of one individual. They are experienced by groups, nations, or people around the world. An individual experiences job loss, but the wider social problem may be rising unemployment rates. An individual may experience a divorce, but the wider social problem may be changing expectations around marriage and long-term partnerships. Solving a social problem is a collective task, outside of the capability of one individual or group.

Figure 1.3 Sociologist C. Wright Mills, pictured on the left wrote about the Sociological Imagination

In his book The Sociological Imagination , American sociologist C. Wright Mills helps us understand the difference between individual problems and social problems, and connects the two concepts (figure 1.3). Mills (1959) uses the term personal troubles to describe troubles that happen both within and to an individual. He contrasts these personal troubles with social problems, which he calls public issues . Public issues transcend the experience of one individual, impacting groups of people over time.

To illustrate, a recent college graduate may be several hundred thousand dollars in debt because of student loans. They may have trouble paying for living expenses because of this debt. This would be a personal trouble. If we look for larger social patterns, however, we see that as of 2021 about 1 in 8 Americans have student loan debt, owing about 1.6 trillion dollars (Federal Reserve Bank of New York 2021). The volume of this debt, the related laws, policies, and practices, and the harm that is being caused stretch far beyond the experience of a few individuals, resulting in student loan debt becoming a public issue.

In addition to differentiating personal troubles and public issues, Mills also connects them using the sociological imagination , a quality of mind that connects individual experience and wider social forces. He writes, “The sociological imagination enables us to grasp history and biography and the relations between the two within society. This is its task and its promise” (Mills 1959:6).

In other words, when we use our own sociological imaginations, we connect our own lives with the experiences of other people. We consider how our own past actions and the historical actions of others may have contributed to our current reality. We use our sociological imaginations to consider what the outcomes of our actions or of social policies might be. When you use your sociological imagination, complicated social problems begin to make sense. When Mills linked personal troubles and public issues, he emphasized that individuals are acted upon by wider social forces.

Figure 1.4 A society consists of more than individual people, just like a forest consists of more than just individual trees: The forest around Cougar Hot Springs, Oregon—More than just individual trees. Tokyo, Japan—More than individual people.

Building on Mills’s concepts, current sociologists highlight the complex relationships of the social world. In the 2019 Society for the Study of Social Problems Presidential Address, Society president Nancy Mezey explores the topic of climate change as a social problem. Understanding and solving climate change requires a deep understanding of the relationship of people and systems. She emphasizes that “society is not just a collection of unrelated individuals, but rather a collection of people who live in relationship with each other” (Mezey 2020: 606). To make this point, she uses the work of sociologist Allan Johnson. In his book The Forest and the Trees, Johnson compares the physical world to our social world:

In one sense, a forest is simply a collection of individual trees, but it is more than that. It is also a collection of trees that exist in particular relation to one another, and you cannot tell what that relation is by looking at the individual trees. Take a thousand trees and scatter them across the Great Plains of North America and all you have is a thousand trees. But take those same trees and put them close together, and now you have a forest. The same individual trees in one case constitute a forest and in another are just a lot of trees. The “empty space” that separates individual trees from one another is not a characteristic of any one tree or the characteristics of all the individual trees somehow added together. It is something more than that, and it is crucial to understand the relationships among trees that make a forest what it is. Paying attention to that “something more” — whether it is a family or a society or the entire world – and how people are related to it lies at the heart of what it means to practice sociology . (Johnson 2014: 11-12, emphasis added)

Using this comparison, Mezey reminds us human society is made up of interdependent individuals, groups, institutions, and systems, similar to the living ecosystem of the forest. This similarity is illustrated in figure 1.4. The reach of a social problem can also be planet-wide. As the response to COVID-19 demonstrates, migrations between countries, vaccination policies and implementations for any nation, and the responses of health systems in local areas can all impact whether any individual is likely to get COVID-19 or to recover from it. A social problem, then, is one that involves a wider scope of groups, institutions, nations, or global populations.

1.2.2 Social Problems: A Conflict in Values

Social problems can also be defined as issues in which social values conflict. A value is an ideal or principle that determines what is correct, desirable, or morally proper. A society may share common values. For example, a society may value universal education, the ideal that all children should learn to read and write or, at minimum, be in school until they are 18. A different society may value practical experience, focusing on teaching children skills related to farming, hunting, or raising children. When core values are shared, there is no basis for conflict.

Social problems may begin to arise if people cannot agree on values. For example, some groups may value business growth and expansion. They oppose restrictions on pollution or emissions because following these regulations would cost money. In contrast, other groups might value sustaining the environment. They support regulations that limit industrial pollution, even when they cost more money. This conflict in values provides a rich soil from which a social problem may grow.

1.2.3 Social Problems: Inequality

A social problem can arise if there is a conflict between a widely shared value and a society’s success in meeting expectations around that value. For example, to sustain life, people need sufficient water, food, and shelter. To work well, a society values human life and creates infrastructure so that all members have water, food, and shelter. However, even at this most basic level, people experience significant inequality in their access to these resources.

Figure 1.5 In this chart, we see that women experience more food insecurity than men, in every region of the world. In Africa, more than half of all people experience hunger. This rate of food insecurity has also increased around the world between 2015 and 2020. How do you think COVID-19 might have impacted world hunger? Figure 1.5 Image Description

For example, the United Nations reports that one in three people worldwide do not have access to adequate food. That number is rising (United Nations 2020). As we can see in the chart in figure 1.5, women are more likely than men to experience hunger in all regions of the world. The related report also notes that 22 percent of all children worldwide are stunted because they do not have enough to eat (FAO 2021).

In another example at the local level, the Oregon Food Bank explicitly defines hunger as a social problem. They write, “Hunger isn’t just an individual experience; it’s a symptom of barriers to employment, housing, health care and more—and a result of unfair systems that continue to keep these barriers in place” (Oregon Food Bank 2021). In exploring who is hungry in Oregon, they note that communities of color experience greater housing instability and therefore greater food insecurity than White families (Oregon Food Bank 2019). Unequal access and unequal outcomes are both common in our world and fundamental to social problems.

1.2.4 Social Problems: A Social Construction with Real Consequences

Figure 1.6: This 10 minute video on social construction explores what it means to jointly create our social reality. What else do you see that is socially constructed? Note to Reviewers: This 10 minute video on social construction is under construction. The final version will be included with the final version of the book. At the same time, we welcome comments on this draft.

Sociologists delight in statistics, those numbers that measure rates, patterns, and trends. You might think that a social problem exists when things get measurably worse—unemployment rises, food prices increase, deaths from AIDS skyrocket, or gender-related hate crimes explode. Changes in the numbers, or objective measures, provide only part of the story. Sometimes these changes go unnoticed in the wider society and don’t result in conflict or action. Other times a local community takes action, but another local community with similar statistics does not.

To explain this difference, we turn to the fundamental sociological concept of social construction , the idea that we create meaning through interaction with others. This concept asserts that while material objects and biological processes exist, it is the meaning that we give to them that creates our shared social reality. The video in figure 1.6 provides more examples of this concept.

The term social construction was used in 1966 by sociologists Peter Berger and Thomas Luckmann. They wrote a book called The Social Construction of Reality . In it, they argued that society is created by humans and human interaction. These interactions are often habits. They use the term habitualization to describe how “any action that is repeated frequently becomes cast into a pattern, which can then be … performed again in the future in the same manner and with the same economical effort” (Berger and Luckmann 1966). Not only do we construct our own society but we also accept it as it is because others have created it before us. Society is, in fact, habit .

For example, a school building exists as a school and not as a generic building because you and others agree that it is a school. If your school is older than you are, it was created by the agreement of others before you. In a sense, it exists by consensus, both prior and current. This is an example of the process of institutionalization, the act of implanting a convention or social expectation into society. By employing the convention of naming a building as a school , the institution, while socially constructed, is made real and assigned specific expectations as to how it will be used.

Another way of looking at the social construction of reality is through an idea developed by American sociologist W. I. Thomas. The Thomas theorem states, “If [people] define situations as real, they are real in their consequences” (Thomas and Thomas 1928). In other words, people’s behavior can be determined by their subjective construction of reality rather than by objective reality. For example, a teenager who is repeatedly given a label—rebellious, emo, goth—often lives up to the term even though it initially wasn’t a part of their character.

Figure 1.7 What do you think the person in the photo, gesturing “Thumbs up” is trying to say? Depending on his country, he may be saying great , on e, or five . Even our gestures are socially constructed.

Sociologists who study how we interact also recognize that language and body language reflect our values. One has only to learn a foreign language to know that not every English word can be easily translated into another language. The same is true for gestures. What does the gesture in figure 1.7 mean? While Americans might recognize a thumbs-up as meaning great , in Germany it would mean one , and in Japan, it would mean five . Thus, our construction of reality is influenced by our symbolic interactions. When we apply this idea of the social construction of reality to social problems, then, we say that a social problem only exists when people say they have one.

Figure 1.8 In this picture of social protest, the protester is holding a sign “Whatever we wear, wherever we go, Yes means Yes and No means No” Over time our ideas about bodily autonomy, consent, and gender based violence are changing.

Let’s look at the crime of rape to understand this concept more clearly. Initially, rape was defined as a property crime. This view of women’s bodies is profoundly disturbing to us today but was common in seventeenth-century English law. Legally, women were considered the property of their fathers or their husbands. Therefore, rape was legally understood as decreasing the value of their property. Taking this model further, married women could not be raped by their husbands because consent was implied as part of the marriage contract.

When feminists in the 1970s challenged this legal definition, laws related to rape began to change. Rape, which included marital rape, became defined as a crime of violence and social control against an individual person (Rose 1977). In a more recent study, researchers examined how rape was defined in a college community between 1955 and 1990. Early descriptions of rape in school and community newspapers painted the picture that White women students were safe on campus. If they ventured beyond campus to predominantly Black neighborhoods, they risked being raped. Rape was considered a crime committed by a racialized other, a Black or Brown stranger rather than a member of a White student community. This perspective saw police as responsible for keeping women safe (Abu-Odeh, Khan, and Nathanson 2020).

With the work of feminist activists, the concept of rape and the response to rape changed. In the 1970s and 1980s, women’s centers and health professionals defined rape as an act of sexual violence that supported the structural power of men and an issue that threatened women’s health. The person who experienced rape began to be called a survivor rather than a victim . Men who raped or committed other kinds of sexual harassment could be identified as part of the campus community rather than being defined as a stranger or an outsider. The changes in the social construction of rape allowed for more effective community responses in preventing rape, prosecuting rape, and supporting the healing of rape survivors (Abu-Odeh, Khan, and Nathanson 2020).

Feminist activists continue this work. Black activist Tarana Burke founded the #MeToo movement in 2006 so that survivors of sexual violence could tell their stories. These stories highlight how common sexual violence is for women, men, and nonbinary people. It expands our conversation about rape to a wider discussion around the causes and consequences of sexual violence. If you would like to learn more about #MeToo from Burke herself, please watch this TED Talk, “ Me Too Is a Movement, Not a Moment .” Actor Alyssa Milano drew attention to this movement when she tweeted #MeToo in 2017. This movement has resulted in some changes in the law (Beitsch 2018) and in stronger prosecution of perpetrators of sexual violence, in some cases (Carlsen et al. 2018).

In this constructionist view, the definition of rape, the actors in the crime, and the responsibility for fixing the problem changed over time, with significant consequences to the people involved. Even concepts like consent, active agreement to sexual activity (see figure 1.8), are taught and learned. A Cup of Tea and Consent [YouTube] teaches the concept (some explicit language). We will see the usefulness of the social construction of a social problem as we explore each social problem raised in this book.

1.2.5 Social Problems: Interdependent Solutions of Individual Agency and Collective Action

All life is interelated. We are all caught in an inescapable network of mutuality, tied into a single garment of destiny. Whatever affects one directly, affects all indirectly. We are made to live together because of the interrelated structure of reality. This is the way our universe is structured, this is its interrelated quality. We aren’t going to have peace on earth until we recognize this basic fact of the interrelated structure of all reality.

—Dr. Martin Luther King Jr., activist, sociologist, and minister

Figure 1.9 Video: Martin Luther King Jr. A Christmas Speech: . Martin Luther King Jr. asserts that we are all interrelated, another word for interdependence in his Christmas Speech from 1967. While watching the whole speech is optional, you may want to view from minutes 7:10-7:12 to listen to the quote that begins this section.

Our diversity can be a source of innovative solutions to social problems. At the same time, the ways in which we are different divide us. We see bullying, hate crimes, war, gender based violence, and other patterns of treating each other differently based on our social location. At the same time, many of us go to school, raise families, live in neighborhoods, and die of old age. How is it that we are able to maintain our sense of community?

We begin to answer this question by reminding ourselves that the sociological imagination helps us see that there are wider social forces at play in our individual lives. Interdependence is the concept that people rely on each other to survive and thrive (Schwalbe 2018). Martin Luther King Jr. asserts that we are all interrelated, another word for interdependence, in his Christmas Speech from 1967 in figure 1.9. While watching the whole speech is optional, you may want to view from minutes 7:10-7:12 to listen to the quote that begins this section.

Interdependence is everywhere, but specific examples of social, economic, and physical interdependence may help us see it more clearly. With social interdependence, we rely on other people to cooperate to support our life. We give the same cooperation to others in turn. For example, when you consider your own life, you might notice how many people helped you become the person you are. When you were very young, you relied on a parent or caregivers to feed you, to clothe you, to keep you warm, and maybe to read you bedtime stories. As we widen this picture, we see that your caregivers relied on store owners and doctors, farmers and truckers, business people, and friends to support the work of caring for you. You may not have had a happy life, yet you lived long enough to read these words. This book was brought to you by authors, editors, artists, videographers, designers, musicians, librarians, and other students like you. These relationships demonstrate our social interdependence.

In addition to social interdependence, we experience economic interdependence. As we shop for groceries this week, we see empty shelves and rising food prices. COVID-19 is disrupting the global supply chain. Farmers growing oranges in Mexico can’t find laborers to pick the fruit. U.S. car manufacturers can’t get electronic chips manufactured in China. Even when people in Vietnam sew T-shirts or factory workers in Korea build TVs, the ships that carry these products from one country to another wait for dock workers to unload them. Our experiences with COVID-19 underline the truth of our economic interdependence.

We express this economic interdependence in relationships that describe the power of workers and the power of business owners. In 2017, Francis Fox Piven, the president of the American Sociological Association, defined interdependent power, arguing that while wealth and privilege create power, workers, tenants, and voters also have the power of participation. We see interdependent power today in the Great Resignation, with people deciding to resign from their jobs rather than return to work. We see it in restaurants reducing hours or closing down because they can’t find workers to wait tables and bus dishes. We see this in frontline workers becoming even more critical in providing basic services to a quarantined public. We live in a globally interdependent economy.

Finally, and maybe foundationally, we are physically interdependent. I remember being on a boat in a glacial lake in Alaska. The tour guide, a biologist, was asking the people on the tour about how many oceans there were in the world. All of us were desperately trying to remember fifth-grade geography, and counting the various oceans we remembered. Atlantic, Pacific, Indian . . . wait did the Arctic and Antarctic count as oceans? Maybe five? Maybe six? Maybe seven? At each answer, the biologist shook her head, “No.” We were stumped.

Figure 1.10 The Pacific Ocean at Lincoln City, Oregon, or maybe just one view of our planet’s one ocean.

She revealed that scientists who study the ocean now say that we have just one ocean (even though the ocean in figure 1.10 happens to be the Pacific Ocean, a few blocks from my house). It contains all the ocean water across our entire planet. Debris from a tsunami in Japan washed up on beaches from the tip of Alaska to the Baja peninsula and Hawaii. Rivers contribute up to 80 percent of the plastics pollution found in the ocean. We see that the COVID-19 virus travels with people around the world as infections move from place to place. As we cross the globe on our feet, bikes, camels, trains, cars, and airplanes, our diseases travel with us. We are physically interdependent.

Figure 1.11 When do we comply with the social norms of mask-wearing and elbow bumping?

Each of these ways of considering our interdependence matters when it comes to studying social problems and creating change. Because our actions affect one another, any social problem or solution ripples through our social world. For example, social scientists are examining mask-wearing during COVID-19.

In the video “ The Importance of Social Norms” (episode 8 on the website) , researcher Dr. Vera te Velde from the University of Queensland explores mask-wearing behavior around the world. She wanted to find out what would make mask wearing a social norm. Social norms are the rules or expectations that determine and regulate appropriate behavior within a culture, group, or society.

Dr. de Velde finds that when people trust each other and their government, they are much more likely to wear masks. Trust and shared agreement around social norms encourage consistent behavior. In other words, when we notice our interdependence and trust that others will follow social norms, we are more likely to follow them too. Sociologist Michael Schwalbe, in The Sociologically Examined Life, calls this mindfulness of interdependence. When we are aware, or mindful, of how our actions impact others, we are noticing our interdependence. We then often act for the good of all.

The interdependent nature of social problems also requires interdependent solutions. For this, we look at individual agency and collective action. The discipline of sociology always asks why? , but the sociologists who study social problems are particularly committed to taking action. They try to understand why a problem occurs to inform policy decisions, create community coalitions, or support healthy families. In the best cases, they seek to know their own biases and work to remediate them, so their research is used to create change. This challenge is explicitly stated by SSSP President Mezey:

The theme for the 2019 SSSP [Society for the Study of Social Problems] meeting is a call to sociologists and social scientists in general to draw deeply and widely on sociological roots to illuminate the social in all social problems with an eye to solving those problems. The theme calls us to speak broadly and widely, so that our discipline becomes a central voice in larger public discourses. I am calling on you, the reader, through this presidential address to focus on what is perhaps the largest social problem: climate change. Indeed, because we have been focusing on individual rather than social solutions regarding climate change—we are now facing grave and imminent danger. (Mezey 2020:606)

Society president Mezey tells us that studying problems is not enough. We must focus on the most critical social problem—climate change, to support all of us in taking action.

Addressing social problems requires individuals to act. Social agency is the capacity of an individual to actively and independently choose and to affect change. In other words, any individual can choose to vote, to protest, to parent well, or to be authentic about who they are in the world. Each act of positive social agency matters to that person and their community, even if the small waves of change are hard to see in the wider world.

Collective action refers to the actions taken by a collection or group of people, acting based on a collective decision. whose goal is to enhance their condition and achieve a common objective (Sekiwu and Okan 2022). These kinds of actions people take are creative responses to local issues. We typically think of collective action as a protest march or a social movement. Collective action can also be setting up the Salmon River Grange as the distribution center for food, clothes, and pizza for survivors of the Echo Mountain Fire. It could also be reinvigorating an Indigenous language or connecting businesses and nonprofits so you can provide digital literacy skills training. People, communities, and organizations imagine the future they want to see, and take organized action to make it happen.

To confront the social problems of our world, we need a both/and approach to their resolution. We act with individual agency to create a life that is healthy and nurturing and we act collectively to address interdependent issues.

1.2.6 Licenses and Attributions for Defining a Social Problem

1.2.6.1 open content, shared previously.

“Social Construction of Reality” is adapted from “ Social Construction of Reality ” by Tonja R. Conerly, Kathleen Holmes, Asha Lal Tamang, Introduction to Sociology 3e , Openstax , which is licensed under CC BY 4.0 . Modifications: Summarized some content and applied it specifically to social problems. License Terms: Access for free at https://openstax.org/books/introduction-sociology-3e/pages/1-introduction

Figure 1.3. “ Sociologist C Wright Mills ” by Institute for Policy Studies is licensed under CC BY 2.0 .

Figure 1.4a. Photo by Deric is licensed under the Unsplash License .

Figure 1.4b. Photo by Chris Chan is licensed under the Unsplash License .

Figure 1.7. Photo by Aziz Acharki is licensed under the Unsplash License .

Figure 1.8. Photo by Raquel García is licensed under the Unsplash License .

Figure 1.11. Photo by Maxime is licensed under the Unsplash License .

1.2.6.2 All Rights Reserved Content

Figure 1.2. “ Anna Leon-Guerrero ” © Pacific Lutheran University is included under fair use.

Figure 1.9 “ Martin Luther King, Jr., Christmas Sermon ” by Mapping Minds is licensed under the Standard YouTube License .

1.2.6.3 Open Content, Original

“Defining a Social Problem” by Kimberly Puttman is licensed under CC BY 4.0 .

Figure 1.5. “Chart of World Hunger” by Kim Puttman and Michaela Willi Hooper, Open Oregon Educational Resources is licensed under CC BY 4.0 .

Figure 1.6. “ Social Construction Video (Draft) ” by Liz Pearce, Kim Puttman and Colin Stapp, Open Oregon Educational Resources is licensed under CC BY 4.0 .

Figure 1.10. Photo by Kimberly Puttman is licensed under CC BY 4.0 .

Image Description for Figure 1.5:

Globally, and in every region, the prevalence of food insecurity is higher among women than men

A line chart shows moderate or severe food insecurity for both women and men in different regions of the world from 2015 to 2020. The lines are often close, but women are always more food insecure than men. Throughout the world, food insecurity has risen for both women and men (from around 20% in 2015 to over 30% for women in 2020). The two lines diverge the most for Latin America and the Caribbean, where food insecurity went from approximately 25% in 2015 to over 40% in 2020. Food insecurity rates for both men and women are highest in Africa (almost 60% for both men and women in 2020) and lowest in North America (between 10 and 15% in 2020).

Data source: State of Food Security and Nutrition in the World 2021, prepared by FAO, IFAD, UNICEF, WFP and WHO.

This simplified version created by Michaela Willi Hooper and Kimberly Puttman and licensed under CC BY-NC-SA 4.0.

[Return to Figure 1.5]

Social Problems Copyright © by Kim Puttman. All Rights Reserved.

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Teaching SEL

Social Emotional Learning Lessons for Teachers and Counselors

Social Decision Making and Problem Solving

Enhancing social-emotional skills and academic performance.

The approach known as Social Decision Making and Social Problem Solving (SDM/SPS) has been utilized since the late 1970s to promote the development of social-emotional skills in students, which is now also being applied in academic settings. This approach is rooted in the work of John Dewey (1933) and has been extensively studied and implemented by Rutgers University in collaboration with teachers, administrators, and parents in public schools in New Jersey over several decades.

SDM/SPS focuses on developing a set of skills related to social competence, peer acceptance, self-management, social awareness, group participation, and critical thinking.

The curriculum units are structured around systematic skill-building procedures, which include the following components:

• Introducing the skill concept and motivation for learning; presentation of the skill in concrete behavioral components
• Modeling behavioral components and clarifying the concept by descriptions and behavioral examples of not using the skill
• Offering opportunities for practice of the skill in “student-tested,” enjoyable activities, providing corrective feedback and reinforcement until skill mastery is approached
• Labeling the skill with a prompt or cue, to establish a “shared language” that can be used for future situations
• Assigning skill practice outside of structured lessons
• Providing follow-through activities and integrating prompts in academic content areas and everyday interpersonal situations

Connection to Academics

Integrating SDM/SPS into students’ academic work enhances their social-emotional skills while enriching their academic performance. Research consistently supports the benefits of social-emotional learning (SEL) instruction.

Readiness for Decision Making

This aspect of SDM/SPS targets the development of skills necessary for effective social decision making and interpersonal behavior across various contexts. It encompasses self-management and social awareness. A self-management unit focuses on skills such as listening, following directions, remembering, taking turns, and maintaining composure in the classroom. These skills help students regulate their emotions, control impulsivity, and develop social literacy. Students learn to recognize physical cues and situations that may trigger high-arousal, fight-or-flight reactions or dysregulated behavior. Skills taught in this domain should include strategies to regain control and engage clear thinking, such as breathing exercises, mindfulness, or techniques that activate the parasympathetic nervous system.

A social awareness unit emphasizes positive peer relationships and the skills necessary for building healthy connections. Students learn to respond positively to peers who offer praise, compliments, and express positive emotions and appreciation. Skills in this unit also include recognizing when peers need help, understanding when they should seek help from others, and learning how to ask for help themselves. Students should develop the ability to provide and receive constructive criticism and collaborate effectively with diverse peers in group settings.

Decision Making Framework – FIG TESPN

To equip students with a problem-solving framework, SDM/SPS introduces the acronym FIG TESPN. This framework guides students when faced with problems or decisions and aims to help them internalize responsible decision making. The goal is for students to apply this framework academically and personally, even in challenging and stressful situations. 

FIG TESPN stands for:

• (F)eelings are my cue to problem solve.    
• (I) have a problem.
• (G)oals guide my actions.
• (T)hink of many possible things to do.
• (E)nvision the outcomes of each solution.
• (S)elect your best solution, based on your goal.
• (P)lan, practice, anticipate pitfalls, and pursue your best solution.
• (N)ext time, what will you do – the same thing or something different?

Integration of FIG TESPN into academics

Once students have become familiar with the FIG TESPN framework, there are limitless opportunities for them to apply and practice these skills. Many of the texts students read involve characters who make decisions, face conflicts, deal with intense emotions, and navigate complex interpersonal situations. By applying the readiness skills and FIG TESPN framework to these assignments, students can meet both academic and social-emotional learning (SEL) state standards. 

Teachers and staff play a crucial role in modeling readiness skills and the use of FIG TESPN. They can incorporate these skills into their questioning techniques, encouraging individual students and groups to think critically when confronted with problems. This approach helps students internalize the problem-solving framework and develop their decision-making abilities.

By integrating social decision making and problem-solving skills into academic subjects such as social studies, social justice, ethics, and creative writing, students gain a deeper understanding of the FIG TESPN framework. The framework becomes an integral part of their learning experience and supports their growth in both academic and social-emotional domains.

SDM/SPS Applied to Literature Analysis

• Think of an event in the section of the book assigned. When and where did it happen? Put the event into words as a problem. 
• Who were the people that were involved in the problem? What were their different feelings and points of view about the problem? Why did they feel as they did? Try to put their goals into words. 
• For each person or group of people, what are some different decisions or solutions to the problem that he,she, or they thought of that might help in reaching their goals?
• For each of these ideas or options, what are all of the things that might happen next? Envision and write both short- and long-term consequences.
• What were the final decisions? How were they made? By whom? Why? Do you agree or disagree? Why?
• How was the solution carried out? What was the plan? What obstacles were met? How well was the problem solved? What did you read that supports your point of view?
• Notice what happened and rethink it. What would you have chosen to do? Why?
• What questions do you have, based on what you read? What questions would you like to be able to ask one or more of the characters? The author? Why are these questions important to you?

a simplified version…

• I will write about this character…
• My character’s problem is…
• How did your character get into this problem?
• How does the character feel?
• What does the character want to happen?
• What questions would you like to be able to ask the character you picked, one of the other characters, or the author?

SDM/SPS Applied to Social Studies 

• What is the event that you are thinking about? When and where is it happening? Put the event into words as a problem, choice, or decision.
• What people or groups were involved in the problem? What are their different feelings? What are their points of view about the problem?
• What do each of these people or groups want to have happen? Try to put their goals into words.
• For each person or group, name some different options or solutions to the problem that they think might help them reach their goals. Add any ideas that you think might help them that they might not have thought of. 
• For each option or solution you listed, picture all the things that might happen next. Envision long- and short-term consequences. 
• What do you think the final decision should be? How should it be made? By whom? Why?
• Imagine a plan to help you carry out your solution. What could you do or think of to make your solution work? What obstacles or roadblocks might keep your solution from working? Who might disagree with your ideas? Why? What else could you do?
• Rethink it. Is there another way of looking at the problem that might be better? Are there other groups, goals, or plans that come to mind?

Applying FIG TESPN to Emigration

• What countries were they leaving?
• How did they feel about leaving their countries?
• What problems were going on that made them want to leave?
• What problems would leaving the country bring about?
• What would have been their goals in leaving or staying?
• What were their options and how did they envision the results of each possibility?
• What plans did they have to make? What kinds of things got in their way at the last minute? How did they overcome the roadblocks? 
• Once they arrived in a new country, how did they feel? What problems did they encounter at the beginning? What were their first goals?

Adapted from: Fostering Social-Emotional Learning in the Classroom

Social Skills Training for Adults: 10 Best Activities + PDF

Struggles with social skills in adulthood can cause avoidance of social situations and interfere with building long-lasting relationships.

Providing social skills training to clients with anxiety, fear of public speaking, and similar issues could ensure more optimal functioning.

This article provides strategies and training options for the development of various social skills. Several resources to help target specific struggles related to the development of social skills in adults are also included, and the approaches can be tailored to improve social responses in specific domains.

Before you continue, we thought you might like to download our three Positive Psychology Exercises for free . These science-based exercises will explore fundamental aspects of positive psychology including strengths, values, and self-compassion, and will give you the tools to enhance the wellbeing of your clients, students, or employees.

This Article Contains:

Social skills training for adults explained, social skills coaching: 2 best activities, role-playing exercises: 4 scripts & examples, top 2 resources & worksheets, 4 insightful videos & podcasts, positivepsychology.com’s helpful tools, a take-home message.

Social skills training includes interventions and instructional methods that help an individual improve and understand social behavior. The goal of social skills training is to teach people about verbal and nonverbal behaviors that are involved in typical social interactions (“Social,” n.d.).

Social skills training is usually initiated when adults have not learned or been taught appropriate interpersonal skills or have trouble reading subtle cues in social interactions. These instances can also be associated with disorders that impede social development, such as autism.

Therapists who practice social skills training first focus on breaking down more complex social behaviors into smaller portions. Next, they develop an individualized program for patients, depending on what social skills they need to work on, and gradually introduce those skills to their patients, building up their confidence through gradual exposure.

For instance, a person who has trouble making eye contact because of anxiety in social situations might be given strategies to maintain eye contact by the therapist. Eye contact is the foundation for most social interaction, and interventions will often start with improving the individual’s ability to maintain eye contact.

During therapy, other challenging areas will be identified such as starting or maintaining a conversation or asking questions. Each session will focus on different activities that typically involve role-play and sometimes will take place in a group setting to simulate different social experiences.

Once confidence has been built up during therapy or social skills group settings, these social skills can be brought into daily life.

Useful assessments: Tests, checklists, questionnaires, & scales

Before engaging your clients in social skills interventions or any type of therapeutic intervention, it is important to determine if social skills therapy is a good approach to help them with their current situation.

The Is Social Skills Training Right for Me? checklist is a self-assessment opportunity for clients to determine if social skills therapy is appropriate for their specific situation or if another approach will be more beneficial.

However, self-assessment activities can sometimes be unreliable, as the individual might not fully understand the treatment models that are available to them. Additionally, if a client has issues with social skills, they may not be aware of their deficiencies in social situations.

In these situations, therapists should ask clients about the issues they are having and encourage them to engage in self-questioning during sessions.

9 Questions to ask your clients

Prior to starting social skills training or activities, the therapist and client should narrow down which areas need help. A therapist can do this by asking the client a series of questions, including:

• Where do you think you are struggling?
• Are there any social situations that make you feel anxious, upset, or nervous?
• Do you avoid any specific social situations or actions?
• Have you ever had anyone comment on your social behavior? What have they said?
• What do you think will help you improve the skills you are struggling with?

Clients can also ask themselves some questions to determine if the social skills therapy process is right for them.

These questions can include:

• What aspects of my life am I struggling with?
• Are there specific social situations or skills that I struggle with?
• Do I have trouble keeping or maintaining relationships with friends, family members, and coworkers?
• Am I avoiding specific social situations out of fear?

Getting clients to ask these questions will help determine if this process will benefit them. Having clients “buy in” to the process is important, to ensure that the approach is right for them and increase the likelihood that they will be engaged to complete activities with a reasonable degree of efficacy.

It is estimated that adults make eye contact 30–60% of the time in general conversation, increasing to 60–70% of the time when trying to form a more intimate relationship (Cognitive Development Learning Centre, 2019).

Giving people who are struggling socially the tools to make more eye contact is usually the first step in social skills training exercises.

The Strategies for Maintaining Eye Contact  worksheet provides some practical strategies and tips to practice making eye contact.

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Often, one of the most prominent struggles for people lacking social skills is starting a conversation, especially with people they are not familiar with.

Fleming (2013) details a helpful method for people who struggle with starting conversations. The ARE method can be used to initiate a conversation and gain an understanding of the person’s interests to facilitate a strong relationship.

• Anchor: Connect the conversation to your mutually shared reality (e.g., common interests) or the setting in which you encountered the individual.
• Reveal: Provide some personal context to help deepen the connection between you and the other person.
• Encourage: After giving them some context, provide the other person with positive reinforcement to encourage them to share.

This worksheet Starting a Conversation – The ARE Method guides participants through each step in the ARE process. It also provides examples of how the ARE method can be incorporated into a typical conversation and used as a workable strategy in social skills training activities.

A Guide to Small Talk: Conversation Starters and Replies  provides an outline of conversation ideas to help start any conversation, no matter the setting.

After developing the ability to start a conversation, being able to project assertiveness and understand one’s limits is essential in ensuring clear communication.

These worksheets on Different Ways to Say ‘No’ Politely and Using ‘I’ Statements in Conversation  facilitate assertive communication and give clients the confidence to set personal limits.

A lack of opportunity to learn coping strategies and difficulty with emotional regulation have been associated with anxiety and low problem-solving abilities (Anderson & Kazantzis, 2008).

An individual’s lack of ability to problem solve in social situations significantly affects their ability to come up with reasonable solutions to typical social problems, which in turn, causes them to avoid more difficult social situations.

Practicing social problem solving is a key component of social skills training. This worksheet on Social Problem Solving allows your clients to define the problems they are facing and rate the potential solutions from low to high efficacy.

Based on the rating, therapists can instruct clients to practice their social reasoning during sessions. Practicing these skills builds clients’ confidence and increases the likelihood that they will access these solutions under pressure.

Similarly, the Imagining Solutions to Social Problems worksheet implements a related process, but challenges participants to engage in a visualization activity. While engaging in visualization, participants have the opportunity to imagine what they would say or do, and reflect on what they have learned and why the solution they chose was best for that particular problem.

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Supplementing modeling and practical activities with interactive audio-visual aids, such as podcasts and videos, is an essential practice in ensuring that patients seeking social skills training are getting multiple perspectives to develop their social intelligence.

Below, we have provided resources to help your clients with different social skills and situations.

An introvert’s guide to social freedom – Kaspars Breidaks

This TEDx talk focuses on providing guidelines for self-identified introverts. In this video, Breidaks frames introversion as an opportunity, rather than a weakness.

Based on his experiences moving from a small town to a big city and eventually starting improv comedy, he developed a workshop to help integrate principles of improvisation into social skills training.

His workshops focus on creating connections through eye contact and breaking through shyness by training the small talk muscle. Because of his experience, he recommends you say yes to yourself before saying yes to others. Breidaks theorizes that only by developing our awareness of our own true emotions and thoughts can we become more comfortable interacting with others.

This video is helpful if your patients need workable tips to improve their interactions with strangers and is an excellent complement to some of our worksheets on developing skills for small talk.

10 Ways to have a better conversation – Celeste Headlee

This TEDx talk is focused on tactics to have more effective conversations. In her TED talk, Headlee emphasizes the importance of honesty, clarity, and listening to others as well as yourself.

Headlee shares her ideas about how to talk and listen to others, specifically focusing on sustaining clear, coherent conversation and the importance of clear, direct communication.

She argues that technology has interfered with the development of interpersonal skills, stating that conversation is an art that is fundamentally underrated and should be emphasized more, especially among young children.

The main point Headlee tries to get across is to avoid multitasking and pontificating during conversation. Individuals who are struggling with active listening and keeping a conversation going would benefit from the tips she offers in this video, as she uses a lot of the same principles when interviewing her radio guests to ensure that she is getting the most out of their appearances.

She specifically emphasizes the importance of being continually present while talking and listening to someone, which is strongly emphasized in social skills training.

How Can I Say This – Beth Buelow

Each episode also provides techniques or approaches to help listeners become more confident when dealing with different social situations. The podcast also takes listener questions about dealing with social situations and issues.

If your clients are struggling with introducing themselves to new people, they may benefit from the episodes on talking to strangers and how to have difficult conversations.

Available on Spotify and Apple Podcasts .

Social Skills Coaching – Patrick King

King focuses on using emotional intelligence and understanding human interaction to help break down emotional barriers, improve listeners’ confidence, and equip people with the tools they need for success.

Although King’s expertise is centered on romantic relationships, this podcast provides strategies to improve one’s emotional awareness and engage in better communication.

People engaging in social skills training would benefit from the episode on social sensitivity, which examines the social dynamics of the brain. It also explains why our brains are programmed to respond more to specific traits (e.g., warmth, dominance) and why people with those traits are often elevated to higher positions within the social hierarchy.

Available on  Apple Podcasts .

17 Top-Rated Positive Psychology Exercises for Practitioners

Expand your arsenal and impact with these 17 Positive Psychology Exercises [PDF] , scientifically designed to promote human flourishing, meaning, and wellbeing.

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There are several resources available on our website to complement the social skills training that you are providing to your clients.

Our Emotional Intelligence Masterclass© trains helping professionals in methodology that helps increase their client’s emotional intelligence.

The client workbook has several exercises that practitioners can give their clients to develop an awareness of their emotions and, subsequently, understand how those emotions might contribute to interactions with others.

Our Positive Psychology Toolkit© provides over 400 exercises and tools, and the Social Network Investment exercise, included in the Toolkit, focuses on reflecting on a client’s current social network. By further looking into the amount of time and investment devoted to the members of their social network, clients can further identify who is supportive of their endeavors and who negatively affects experiences.

With this knowledge, relationships can be analyzed before devoting even more time and investment that might not facilitate positive emotions.

People who struggle with initiating conversation might also have trouble talking about their emotions. Our exercise on Asking for Support , also in the Toolkit, can provide assistance to someone having trouble communicating their emotions.

It also provides strategies to practice asking for help when needed. This exercise also gives you the opportunity to identify any personal barriers that are impending your ability to seek help from others.

You might be interested in this sister article, Social Skills Training for Kids , which provides top resources for teachers.

If you’re looking for more science-based ways to help others enhance their wellbeing, this signature collection contains 17 validated positive psychology tools for practitioners. Use them to help others flourish and thrive.

Improving social skills is an important skill to develop for anyone trying to facilitate professional and personal connections.

However, sometimes clients might not even realize they need targeted interventions to help with their social skills, and they might approach a therapist with other challenges around anxiety entering new situations.

For that reason, we hope this article provided valuable options for the development of social skills, with useful activities and social skills worksheets to be incorporated into your sessions.

We encourage you and your clients to explore these exercises together and engage in goal-setting tools to target areas that will benefit their daily lives, relationships, and communication.

We hope you enjoyed reading this article. Don’t forget to download our three Positive Psychology Exercises for free .

• Anderson, G., & Kazantzis, N. (2008). Social problem-solving skills for adults with mild intellectual disability: A multiple case study. Behaviour Change , 25 (2), 97–108.
• Cognitive Development Learning Centre. (2019). Training eye contact in communication . Retrieved May 4, 2021, from https://cognitive.com.sg/training-eye-contact-in-communication/
• Fleming, C. (2013). It’s the way you say it: Becoming articulate, well-spoken and clear (2nd ed.). Berrett-Koehler.
• Social skills training. (n.d.). In  Encyclopedia of mental disorder. Retrieved May 4, 2021, from http://www.minddisorders.com/Py-Z/Social-skills-training.html

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What our readers think.

Hello, I am trying to open the link to the ARE-method but am unable to.

Please try to access the worksheet here .

If you experience further issues with accessing the link, please let me know!

Warm regards, Julia | Community Manager

Sounds so good for my young adult. Do you know of any in person sessions, workshops, which would benefit him being in person.

I would like to know what the best book to get for my husband for him to learn social skills conversations. Thank You

check out our article “ 12 Must-Read Social Skills Books for Adults & Kids “.

Hope this helps!

Kind regards, Julia | Community Manager

Are there any online classes for people suffering with anxiety, Aspergers and a lack of social skills? This is a great article, but there are no therapists who teach social skills. These are skills that come from parents. Like me, when you have no parent or friends to teach you, what do you do? Please make an online course. I would pay to watch a course and even buy materials.

Thank you for your thoughtful comment and interest in an online course addressing anxiety, Aspergers, and social skills. I understand how challenging it can be to find the right resources, especially when traditional sources of support may not be readily available.

While we don’t currently offer an online course, we are happy to recommend a helpful resource that cater to individuals experiencing similar difficulties: Psychology Today has a great directory you can use to find therapists in your local area. Usually, the therapists provide a summary in their profile with their areas of expertise and types of issues they are used to working with.

I hope this helps.

Hello, I just found out about this website today and this is the exact type of service I need. I unfortunately cannot find any one like this that is near me or accept my insurance. And I need this fast since my quality of life is so bad, I have severe social anxiety, and never had friends or a relationship.

Hi there a lot of the links don’t work in this article? How can I access the resources?

Thanks for your question! We are working on updating all the broken links in our articles, as they can be outdated. Which specific resource are you looking for?

Maybe I can help 🙂

Kind regards, -Caroline | Community Manager

Living socially isolated, getting told I have autism ad the age of 33, I found out that I have a lot to learn about being social with people. Now knowing what my “ problem” is also gave me the drive to improve my people skills. Fearing I willing never fully understand feelings ( not even my own) all help is welcome. And this was a very helpful article. Living in a world with tips and tricks to look normal will never be easy. But you sure help me .. thank you..

AMAZING work.. .as always. Thank you !

Thank you Gabriella social skills have been a real issue for me for my whole life. There are so many helpful avenues to explore thanks this article.

Steven Cronson My brothers didn’t consider me an Aspie and made a pact to ignore me , block me I hadn’t even learned many social skills my brother a psychiatrist tried by giving me ptsd and gad a Divorce to try to get me to end my life. My wife proudly fought back and figured out how better to understand me. And I fought the awful had medicine Lexapro that I consider the devil in a pill that made me flat and losing my superpower focusing ability. I hope a producer latched on to my fascinating story of greed, over good, attack on my very life and a brother doctor that should never been one. My dad a psychiatrist made me a DDS to be respected and listened to but not even work and married off in a fake but better life. They accused me an Aspie blind to empathy. B

I’m sorry to read about your challenges with your family. It’s good that you have what sounds like a supportive ally in your wife. And indeed, medications don’t work for everyone — or it may be the case that a different medication may suit you better. Definitely raise these concerns with a trusted psychiatrist if you feel medication could help you.

As you note, it’s a harmful myth that those on the autism spectrum don’t feel empathy. And this myth unfairly stigmatises members of this community. I’m sorry to read about these accusations from your family.

On another note, if you’d like to work on your social skills, consider reaching out to support groups for those with Aspergers in your area, or seeking the support of a therapist with expertise in this area. Psychology Today has a great directory you can use to find therapists in your local area. Usually, the therapists provide a summary in their profile with their areas of expertise and types of issues they are used to working with.

I hope this helps, and I wish you all the best.

– Nicole | Community manager

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This is the home page for socialproblemsolving.com!

• DOI: 10.1037/10805-000
• Corpus ID: 142742173

Social problem solving: Theory, research, and training.

• E. Chang , T. D'Zurilla , L. Sanna
• Published 2004

253 Citations

Social problem-solving and depressive symptom vulnerability: the importance of real-life problem-solving performance, problem solving and behavior therapy revisited, social problem-solving processes and mood in college students: an examination of self-report and performance-based approaches, competencies for complexity: problem solving in the twenty-first century, thinking about the consequences: the detrimental role of future thinking on intrapersonal problem-solving in depression, longitudinal associations between psychological capital and problem-solving among social workers: a two-wave cross-lagged study., problem-solving therapy for depression: a meta-analysis., analysis of social problem solving and social self-efficacy in prospective teachers., person-based social problem solving among 10-, 14- and 16-year-olds.

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The Influence of Social Problem-Solving Ability on the Relationship Between Daily Stress and Adjustment

5 references, problem-solving therapy : a social competence approach to clinical intervention, problem-solving therapy for depression. theory, research and clinical guidelines, problem solving and behavior modification., social problem solving and negative affective conditions., social problem solving in adults, related papers.

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The Pathway 2 Success

Solutions for Social Emotional Learning & Executive Functioning

Teaching Social Problem-Solving with a Free Activity

February 3, 2018 by pathway2success 5 Comments

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Kids and young adults need to be able to problem-solve on their own. Every day, kids are faced with a huge number of social situations and challenges. Whether they are just having a conversation with a peer, working with a group on a project, or dealing with an ethical dilemma, kids must use their social skills and knowledge to help them navigate tough situations. Ideally, we want kids to make positive choices entirely on their own. Of course, we know that kids don’t start off that way. They need to learn how to collaborate, communicate, cooperate, negotiate, and self-advocate.

Social problem solving skills are critical skills to learn for kids with autism, ADHD, and other social challenges. Of course, all kids and young adults benefit from these skills. They fit perfectly into a morning meeting discussion or advisory periods for older kids. Not only are these skills that kids will use in your classroom, but throughout their entire lives. They are well worth the time to teach!

Here are 5 steps to help kids learn social problem solving skills:

1. Teach kids to communicate their feelings. Being able to openly and respectfully share emotions is a foundational element to social problem solving. Teaching I statements can be a simple and effective way to kids to share their feelings. With an I statement, kids will state, “I feel ______ when _____.” The whole idea is that this type of statement allows someone to share how their feeling without targeting or blaming anyone else. Helping kids to communicate their emotions can solve many social problems from the start and encourages positive self-expression.

2. Discuss and model empathy. In order for kids to really grasp problem-solving, they need to learn how to think about the feelings of others. Literature is a great way teach and practice empathy! Talk about the feelings of characters within texts you are reading, really highlighting how they might feel in situations and why. Ask questions like, “How might they feel? Why do you think they felt that way? Would you feel the same in that situation? Why or why not?” to help teach emerging empathy skills. You can also make up your own situations and have kids share responses, too.

3. Model problem-solving skills. When a problem arises, discuss it and share some solutions how you might go forward to fix it. For example, you might say, “I was really expecting to give the class this math assignment today but I just found out we have an assembly. This wasn’t in my plans. I could try to give part of it now or I could hold off and give the assignment tomorrow instead. It’s not perfect, but I think I’ll wait that way we can go at the pace we need to.” This type of think-aloud models the type of thinking that kids should be using when a problem comes up.

4. Use social scenarios to practice. Give a scenario and have kids consider how that person might feel in that situation. Discuss options for what that person might do to solve the problem, possible consequences for their choices, and what the best decision might be. Kids can consider themselves social detectives by using the clues and what they know about social rules to help them figure out the solution. These are especially fun in small groups to have kids discuss collaboratively. Use these free social problem solving cards to start your kids off practicing!

5. Allow kids to figure it out. Don’t come to the rescue when a child or young adult has a problem. As long as it’s not a serious issue, give them time to think about it and use their problem-solving skills on their own. Of course, it’s much easier to have an adult solve all the problems but that doesn’t teach the necessary skills. When a child comes to you asking for your help with a social problem, encourage them to think about it for five minutes before coming back to you. By that point, they might have already figured out possible solutions and ideas and might not even need you anymore.

If you are interested in helping your kids learn social problem solving skills right away, consider trying out these Social Problem Solving Task Cards . They highlight real social scenarios and situations that kids can discuss. The scenarios include a variety of locations, such as in classrooms, with family, with friends, at recess, and at lunch. This set is targeted for elementary-age learners.

Of course, older kids need social problem solving skills, too! If you work with older kids, you will love these Social Problem Solving Task Cards for Middle and High School Kids. These situations target age-appropriate issues that come up in classes, with friends, with family, in the hallway, in the cafeteria, and with online and texting.

Remember that teaching social problem skills does take a little bit of planning and effort, but it will be well worth the time! Kids will use these skills to help them make social decisions in their everyday lives now and in the future!

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February 22, 2018 at 12:03 am

Thank you for sharing>

March 3, 2018 at 8:59 am

Good thought ful

March 20, 2018 at 9:24 pm

They are not free

March 21, 2018 at 8:58 am

They are! Here is the link (it’s listed under number 4): https://www.teacherspayteachers.com/Product/Free-Social-Problem-Solving-Task-Cards-2026178 I also have a paid version with a bunch more cards (for both elementary and older kids), but that will give you the freebie. Enjoy!

July 15, 2018 at 3:41 am

Awesome way to teach the skill of social problem solving.

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Social Problem Solving as a Predictor of Well-being in Adolescents and Young Adults

• Published: 02 October 2009
• Volume 95 , pages 393–406, ( 2010 )

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• Andrew M. H. Siu 1 &
• Daniel T. L. Shek 2  

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Social problem solving is the cognitive-affective-behavioral process by which people attempt to resolve real-life problems in a social environment, and is of key importance in the management of emotions and well-being. This paper reviews a series of studies on social problem solving conducted by the authors. First, we developed and validated the Chinese version of the Social Problem-Solving Inventory Revised (C-SPSI-R) which demonstrated very good psychometric properties. Second, we identified the scope of stressful social situations faced by young adults and their self-efficacy in facing such situations ( N  = 179). Young adults were generally confident about their basic social skills but found it much more stressful to relate to family members, handle conflicts, handle negative behaviors from others, self-disclose to others, and to express love. Third, in two separate studies, we found that social problem solving was closely linked to measures of depression ( n  = 200), anxiety ( n  = 235), and family well-being ( N  = 1462). Measures of anxiety and depression were found to be significantly related to aspects of social problem solving in expected directions and expected strength. In another study, higher parental social problem solving behavior and lower avoidance behavior were found to be related to indicators of family well-being, including better overall family functioning, and fewer parent–adolescent conflicts.

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Siu, A.M.H., Shek, D.T.L. Social Problem Solving as a Predictor of Well-being in Adolescents and Young Adults. Soc Indic Res 95 , 393–406 (2010). https://doi.org/10.1007/s11205-009-9527-5

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Social Problem Solving and Health

Counseling psychology is committed to helping people meet the challenges and solve the problems they encounter in daily routines and in stressful circumstances. To a great extent, this holds true for other professional psychology specialties (including clinical, educational and health psychology) as clients usually seek professional assistance in solving the problems they face. Thus, the study of problem-solving abilities—their measurement and correlates—and efficient ways to improve these abilities is of keen interest to clinicians and researchers.

Counseling psychology has played an influential role in this area of inquiry. Historically guided by early cognitive-behavioral theorists (D’Zurilla & Goldfried, 1971), counseling psychology contributed essential theoretical refinements ( Heppner & Krauskopf, 1987 ) and measurement tools ( Heppner, 1988 ) that remain landmark events. However, related and subsequent theoretical and empirical contributions—appearing primarily in outlets associated with clinical and health psychology, and in the larger, multidisciplinary literature—have yet to be sufficiently integrated with contributions from counseling psychology. This lack of scholarly integration has not necessarily impeded advancements and applications, but it has thwarted a deeper theoretical understanding of the mechanisms at work in the learning and application of social problem-solving abilities.

Historical Backdrop

The historical backdrop of theory and research must be considered for us to appreciate the subsequent developments in the current literature. The D’Zurilla and Goldfried (1971) is the intellectual wellspring for this area: In this paper, the authors described the elements that would eventually characterize the problem-solving process. Specifically, it was argued that successful problem-solving consists of identifying a problem, defining the characteristics and important aspects of the problem, generating possible solutions and alternatives for the problem, choosing a viable solution and implementing it, and then monitoring and evaluating the progress of the solution.

Two important features of this paper should be emphasized. First, as Nezu (2004) observes, the proposed model of this work was prescriptive rather than descriptive ; that is, D’Zurilla and Goldfried construed effective problem solving principles as they should be and as they should operate, in theoretical terms. Second, the authors did not recommend a specific measure for assessing problem solving skills; their essay was primarily concerned with the ramifications of their straightforward model for cognitive-behavioral interventions.

The implications of this model for counseling psychology were spelled out in an important conceptual review by Heppner (1978) and demonstrated in an impressive intervention study by Richards and Perri (1978) . These papers—both published in the same volume of Journal of Counseling Psychology —exemplified the two different approaches to the study of problem-solving abilities that persist to this day. In the former, Heppner considered the larger cognitive-behavioral framework in which problem solving was a part, drawing out implications for counseling practice and research. Eventually, Heppner’s work produced the Problem Solving Inventory (PSI; Heppner, 1988 ), accompanied by an impressive program of empirical research that demonstrated the correlates and properties of the PSI (for reviews of this work see Heppner & Baker, 1997 ; Heppner, Witty, & Dixon, 2004 ). In contrast, Richards and Perri took initiative from the prescription of problem-solving abilities stipulated by D’Zurilla and Goldfried, developed an intervention based on these principles, and provided evidence of their utility in significantly improving self-management skills of undergraduates ( Richards & Perri, 1978 ).

In surveying the current landscape, we find relevant research that extends from the Heppner research program. This influence is rather easy to identify, as most of this work relies on the PSI (perhaps the most frequently used problem solving measure). This work appears predominately in the counseling psychology literature. The most comprehensive theoretical commentary on this scholarship appears in Heppner and Krauskopf (1987) , in which an information-processing model is used to help us understand how individuals learn, regulate, and execute problem-solving abilities.

Running parallel to this stream of work (with a few intriguing moments of empirical overlap) are studies that integrate the problem-solving principles into interventions with considerable success. Although D’Zurilla and colleagues were apparently uninterested in developing a measure of problem solving abilities at first—indeed, some of the initial intervention studies used Heppner’s PSI ( Nezu & Perri, 1989 )— this camp provided theoretical refinements of the cognitive-behavioral mechanisms of the problem-solving process ( D’Zurilla & Nezu, 2007 ). A measure of social problem-solving abilities was eventually developed (featuring 70 items; D’Zurilla & Nezu, 1990 ) and empirically refined (52 items; D’Zurilla, Nezu, & Maydeu-Olivares, 2002 ). However, this research stream is best characterized by the number of intervention studies that appeared in journals associated with clinical and counseling psychology, and the far-reaching implications of this work are now being realized by multidisciplinary research teams across the health professions.

Theoretical Distinctions

Although these two streams of work often compliment the other, a few compelling theoretical distinctions should be noted. In the Heppner and Krauskopf (1987) model, for example, problem solving is construed as a metacognitive variable that has organizational properties. In a manner akin to Bandura’s self-efficacy model ( Bandura, 1986 ), problem solving is a self-appraisal process, as behavior is influenced by subjective beliefs and perceptions of abilities, competencies, and potential. These cognitions regulate emotional experiences and expression, overt behavior, personal goals and goal-directed activity. The PSI features three empirically derived factors (Personal Control, Problem-Solving Confidence, and Approach-Avoidance), but it is not construed as a measure of actual problem-solving abilities, per se. The favored terminology emphasizes the phenomenological processes stipulated in this model (e.g., “problem-solving appraisal” and “self-appraised problem-solving abilities”).

The Social Problem-Solving Inventory-Revised (SPSI-R; D’Zurilla & Nezu, 1990 ) was developed as the authors recognized two broad functions of social problem-solving abilities they termed problem orientation and problem-solving skills (see Nezu & D’Zurilla, 1989 ). The problem orientation component, based on converging evidence from research at that time, served to regulate emotions, maintain a positive attitude necessary for solving problems, and motivate a person toward solving problems in routine and stressful circumstances. The problem-solving skills component encompassed the actual skills individuals use in solving problems, including rational skills, avoidance, and impulsive and careless styles. This model guided much of the contemporary research that has used this scale. The theoretical and clinical focus of this group centers on the prescriptive nature of the original model ( D’Zurilla & Nezu, 1999 ; Nezu, 2004 ) and consistently uses the term “social problem-solving abilities.” Recently, D’Zurilla and colleagues recognize the strong associations that have occurred between the positive orientation scale on the SPSI-R measure and the rational-problem solving scale, and between the negative problem orientation scale and the impulsive/careless and the avoidance scales ( D’Zurilla, Nezu, & Maydeu-Olivares, 2004 ). They use the terms “constructive problem-solving style” and “dysfunctional problem-solving style” in their recent conceptualization.

PERSONAL ADJUSTMENT AND HEALTH

We acknowledge that personal adjustment is an important aspect of “health,” generally, and it is a dubious enterprise to separate adjustment into dualistic notions of “mental” and “physical” health. The study of social problem-solving and emotional adjustment has largely dominated the relevant counseling literature, and only recently have we begun to appreciate the theoretical and clinical implications of social problem-solving abilities and physical health. From our perspective, we are fairly confident in the established associations between ineffective problem-solving abilities and depression, anxiety, and distress among people in general ( Heppner, et al., 2004 ; Nezu, 2004 ). However, ineffective problem-solving abilities are inconsistently associated with indicators of health-compromising behaviors (e.g., sedentary behavior, substance abuse; Elliott et al., 2004 ). Social problem-solving abilities can be significantly predictive of important self-reported outcomes (e.g., disability, well-being; Elliott, et al., 2004 ) and with objectively-rated indicators of therapeutic adherence (although the directions of these relationships are not always clear; see Herrick & Elliott, 2001 ).

In the remainder of this chapter, we address recent advancements in our understanding of social problem-solving abilities from recent research in emotional, interpersonal and social adjustment associated with health, with health outcomes and secondary complications, and from problem-solving interventions among persons with various health conditions. We then turn our attention to major issues and findings raised in published reviews of the research to date, and conclude with a discussion of the problems we see in this work and offer our recommendations for future research. We use the term “social problem-solving abilities” in deference to the original model and in light of the currency of this concept in the larger multidisciplinary literature (in which much of the research relevant to our discussion has appeared).

Emotional, Interpersonal, and Social Adjustment

In a previous survey of problem-solving abilities and health, the connections between dysfunctional social problem-solving styles and depression and distress were theoretically consistent across the relevant literature; data linking effective problem-solving abilities with optimal adjustment were decidedly mixed ( Elliott, et al., 2004 ). Empirical research over the ensuing years has yielded similar results. A negative problem orientation has been associated with higher depression scores among older persons with vision loss ( Dreer, Elliott, Fletcher, & Swanson, 2005 ) and among family caregivers of persons with severe disabilities ( Grant et al., 2006 ; Rivera, Elliott et al., 2006 ). A dysfunctional problem-solving style—as measured by the SPSI-R—may be particularly characteristic of individuals who meet diagnostic criteria for a suspected major depressive disorder ( Dreer, Elliott, Shewchuk, Berry, & Rivera, in press ; Grant, Weaver, Elliott, Bartolucci, & Giger, 2004 ; Rivera, Elliott, Berry, Oswald, & Grant, 2007 ).

Indicators of function and quality of life among persons with debilitating conditions rely heavily on self-report measures of these constructs. These measures may be influenced by respondent problem-solving styles, independent of objectively-defined indicators of disability severity ( Elliott, Godshall, Herrick, Witty, & Spruell, 1991 ; Shaw, Feuerstein, Haufler, Berkowitz, & Lopez, 2001 ). Consistent with these data, Rath and colleagues found ineffective problem-solving abilities were significantly associated with self-reported psychosocial impairment among persons with traumatic brain injuries (TBI; Rath, Langenbahn, Simon, Sheer, Fletcher, & Diller, 2004 ). Similar results have been found among persons in a chronic pain rehabilitation program ( Witty, Heppner, Bernard, & Thoreson, 2001 ). A negative problem orientation is a stronger predictor of psychosocial impairment than health locus of control variables ( Shanmugham, Elliott & Palmatier, 2004 ).

In fact, among persons with TBI, there is evidence that social problem-solving abilities may be a better predictor of community integration following medical rehabilitation than several neuropsychological measures often used to predict adjustment in this population ( Rath, Hennessy, & Diller, 2003 ). These results—consistent with prior evidence of the social adaptability associated with effective problem-solving (see Heppner, et al., 1982 , and Neal & Heppner, 1986 )—may prove particularly enlightening in our appreciation of interpersonal and social dynamics of adjustment following disease and disability.

Although the results from these studies have been largely consistent with previous research, the evidence linking social problem-solving abilities and optimal adjustment remains thin. For example, prospective research has found a positive orientation predictive of well-being among family caregivers of stroke survivors over thirteen weeks after discharge from an inpatient rehabilitation program ( Grant et al., 2006 ). Cross-sectional research has found a negative orientation to be inversely associated with caregiver mental health and life satisfaction ( Rivera et al., 2006 ), and Dreer et al. (2005) found elements of constructive and dysfunctional problem-solving styles were associated with the life satisfaction reported by individuals in an outpatient low vision rehabilitation program.

A more detailed analysis of subgroups within a large sample of individuals with disabilities suggests that the relationship of problem-solving abilities to measures of distress and well-being may be theoretically consistent at the extremes: Effective problem-solving abilities are associated with a more optimal profile, and ineffective abilities are associated with opposite clinical picture ( Elliott, Shewchuk, Miller, & Richards, 2001 ). However, two other clusters revealed that some individuals who harbor a negative orientation and who report rational problem-solving skills also experience considerable distress. Our lack of insight into the actual mechanisms by which problem solving influences adjustment in routine, daily experiences hinders our interpretation of these data and their implications.

A similarly complicated pattern emerges in our understanding of self-reported health and social problem-solving abilities. Prospective research has found a negative orientation to be productive of family caregiver health complaints over the course of a year ( Elliott, Shewchuk, & Richards, 2001 ). Yet cross-sectional study with family caregivers of persons with various disabilities did not replicate this finding ( Rivera et al., 2006 ), and Grant et al. (2006) found a significant—albeit tenuous and diminishing—relationship between a positive orientation and general health over 13 weeks. Despite early evidence that a negative orientation is predictive of self-reported health complaints in cross-sectional and prospective designs ( Elliott & Marmarosh, 1994 ), it appears that several unmeasured factors may account for these inconsistent findings.

There is reason to believe that social problem-solving abilities operate within interpersonal and social contexts to exert an influence on adjustment. An effective problem-solving style has been associated with greater relationship satisfaction among family caregivers of stroke survivors ( Shanmugham, et al., 2007 ). Related research suggests that children of families that rely on problem-solving coping fare better over time than families who rely less on these strategies ( Kinsella, Ong, Murtagh, Prior, & Sawyer, 1999 ; Rivara, Jaffe, Polissar, Fay, Liao, & Martin, 1996 ). Furthermore, persons living with severe disability and with family caregivers who have impulsive and careless ways of solving problems were more likely to have a pressure sore within the first year of acquired disability than other individuals ( Elliott, Shewchuk, & Richards, 1999 ). Caregiver dysfunctional styles have also been implicated in the distress and decreased life satisfaction reported by patients with congestive heart failure ( Kurylo, Elliott, DeVivo, & Dreer, 2004 ).

A comprehensive study by Johnson and colleagues (2006) suggests that the effects of problem solving on distress may be defined by several adaptive correlates of social problem-solving abilities. In this study, distress—as a latent construct—was composed of decreased social support, elevations in depression and negative mood, and high stress among 545 HIV+ adults, and distress was predicted by constructive and dysfunctional problem-solving styles (accounting for over 60% of the variance). Although prior research has indicated that social problem-solving abilities are usually related to these separate variables in a theoretically consistent fashion, this was the first study to demonstrate these relationships in a comprehensive model, and the associations were best understood within the context of this model.

Health Outcomes and Secondary Complications

In many respects, social problem-solving abilities have demonstrated considerable utility as a predictor of important health outcomes in several studies of depression among persons living with chronic health conditions. Depression is often conceptualized as an important health outcome because it is associated with increased heath care costs and it compromises the overall health of persons with conditions as varied as diabetes, paralysis, and congestive heart failure.

It has been difficult to ascertain the ways in which problem-solving abilities might influence other, more objectively-defined health outcomes. Data concerning the relations of problem solving to substance use, exercise, and other health behaviors have been mixed (see Elliott et al., 2004 ), although among individuals who live with a disability there is some indication that a dysfunctional style may be associated with health-compromising behaviors ( Dreer, Elliott, & Tucker, 2004 ).

The Johnson et al. (2006) study again informs us of the ways in which problem-solving abilities may influence health outcomes. In this attempt to predict adherence to antiretroviral therapy (assessed by a survey of the number of pills skipped during a 3-day period), the final model revealed no significant, direct paths from the two social problem-solving latent variables (constructive, dysfunctional) to adherence. Rather, social problem-solving exerted significant indirect effects to adherence through its substantive effects on distress. Thus, social problem-solving abilities were significantly associated with therapeutic adherence through its palliative, beneficial (and perhaps, regulatory) effects on personal stress, distress and social support.

Studies that demonstrate connections between social problem-solving abilities and objectively diagnosed biomedical variables are particularly impressive, but the lack of clarity (or, in some cases, theory) raise intrigue and speculation about the nature of these relationships. Social problem-solving abilities were significantly predictive of pressure sores diagnosed over the first 3 years of traumatically acquired spinal cord injury (SCI), and these associations were more influential than clinically important variables like severity of disability and demographic characteristics (e.g., race, gender, age; Elliott, Bush, & Chen, 2006 ). These data are among the first to document the potential of social problem-solving abilities to prospectively predict individuals who may be at risk for expensive and often preventable health complications, above and beyond the predictive value of variables deemed medically important. Nevertheless, the exact mechanisms by which problem solving exerted this observed effect cannot be determined from this study.

We can speculate from other relevant studies that problem-solving abilities may have prevented pressure sores (and promoted healthier skin) among participants in the Elliott et al. (2006) study in a couple of ways. Effective problem-solvers may have had fewer health compromising behaviors than persons who had dysfunctional styles (e.g., less sedentary, inactive behaviors, less alcohol intake; Godshall & Elliott, 1997 ); perhaps they were more successful in regulating their emotions and stress levels so they were more likely to attend to recommended regimens for skin care and maintenance (i.e., therapeutic adherence; Johnson, et al., 2006 ). However, a compelling study of glycemic control among African American men raises other possibilities.

In a study of 65 African American men with diabetes, Hill-Briggs and colleagues (2006) found avoidant and impulsive/careless styles (as measured by a short form of the SPSI-R) were significantly predictive of elevated hemoglobin A1C levels, indicative of poor glycemic control. The relationship between avoidant scores and A1C levels was not mediated by participant depression. These data are further supported by focus group research, in which a group of persons with poor glycemic control reported more avoidant and impulsive/careless responses to a problem-solving task than a group of individuals with good glycemic control ( Hill-Briggs, Cooper, Loman, Brancati, & Cooper, 2003 ). It is possible that a dysfunctional problem solving style—in the context of chronic disease and stress—may have definite correlates with impaired immune system functioning (these correlations do not permit causal explanations; glycemic control may have been influenced by unmeasured variables such as diet, exercise and distress that may, too, be influenced by problem-solving abilities).

Lessons Learned from Intervention Research

Problem-solving therapy (or training; PST) has promulgated as an attractive therapeutic option in many multidisciplinary health care settings. Indeed, the broader concept of “problem solving” is considered an essential element in chronic disease education and self-management programs ( Hill-Briggs, 2003 ). PST grounded explicitly in the principles espoused by D’Zurilla and Goldfried has been applied with notable success in alleviating distress among persons with cancer ( Nezu, Felgoise, McClure, & Houts, 2003 ; Nezu, Nezu, Friedman, & Faddis, 1998 ) and in improving coping and self-regulation skills among persons with TBI ( Rath, Simon, Langenbahn, Sherr, & Diller, 2003 ). Problem-solving interventions have documented success in individual sessions provided in primary care settings ( Mynors-Wallis, Garth, Lloyd-Thomas, & Tomlinson, 1995 ), in structured group therapy ( Rath, et al., 2003 ), in telephone sessions with community-residing adults ( Grant, Elliott, Weaver, Bartolucci, & Giger, 2002 ), and in online Web sessions for parents of children with TBI ( Wade, Corey, & Wolfe, 2006a ; and with observed benefits on child functioning, Wade, Corey, & Wolfe, 2006b ). When null effects have appeared in the peer-review literature, these may be attributable in part to a perceived lack of relevance or lack of “tailoring” of the intervention to problems—as they are perceived and experienced—of immediate concern to participants ( Shanmugham, et al., 2004 ; Study 2).

The positive effects of PST are usually ascribed to the treatment, particularly when significant increases are observed on self-appraised ( Grant et al., 2002 ) and observed problem-solving abilities ( Rath et al., 2003 ). There is some evidence that decreases in dysfunctional styles may be particularly essential in realizing significant decreases in depression ( Rivera, Elliott, Berry, & Grant, 2007 ). Participants may display increased skills in finding more solutions to their problems following PST than persons assigned to a control group ( Lesley, 2007 ). In one impressive multisite clinical trial, Sahler et al. (2005) found the beneficial effects of PST on lowering negative affect among mothers of children with cancer were pronounced among young, single mothers; Spanish-speaking mothers demonstrated continued improvements over a 3-month period. Nevertheless, there is perplexing evidence that PST can be associated with lower depression scores over time with no corresponding changes in social problem-solving abilities ( Elliott, Brossart, Berry, & Fine, 2007 ).

Critical reviews point out that this work has recurring problems with the theoretical integrity of interventions, a lack of methodological details, and a lack of clarity regarding the “dosage” sufficient for therapeutic change. Nezu (2004) has been especially critical of the lack of theoretical integrity, as the general flexibility of the original D’Zurilla and Goldfried model may be melded into or added on to any loosely defined cognitive-behavioral intervention. In some cases, it may appear that a published report used a “problem solving intervention” but there is no elaboration of principles of the model or how these were implemented in any replicable fashion (e.g., Smeets et al., in press ). There are some high-profile trials in which training in “problem solving” was presented as a marquee feature of the multisite intervention, and this evidently meant training in rational, instrumental ways to cope with certain problems, but there is no mention or recognition of the problem orientation component and its theoretical function in self-regulation and motivation (e.g., Project REACH, Wisniewski et al., 2003 ). Nezu (2004) adamantly argues that PST must address issues germane to the problem orientation component, and strategies that strictly address the problem solving skills component will not be successful.

The broad range in the number of sessions across studies frustrates our ability to determine the dosage sufficient for therapeutic change. Some studies report clinical success with after a few sessions ( Mynor-Wallis, et al., 1995 ) but other work shows no effects after two sessions administered six months apart ( Elliott & Berry, 2007 ). Weekly sessions seem to have considerable benefits over several weeks ( Grant et al., 2002 ; Rath, et al., 2003 ; Sahler et al., 2005 ). In some clinical scenarios, however, therapeutic change may occur with monthly sessions over the course of a year ( Rivera, Elliott, Berry & Grant, 2007 ). Currently, we cannot conclude from the extant literature the minimal dosage of PST sufficient to effect beneficial, therapeutic changes. This is an issue that should be addressed in future work.

A critical review of problem solving interventions for family caregivers of stroke survivors concluded that the inconsistent use of a theoretical framework and concepts, and a recurring neglect in measuring participant problem-solving abilities limits our understanding of PST in this area ( Lui, Ross, & Thompson, 2005 ). Very few of the studies reviewed used standardized measures of problem solving abilities despite their availability; many studies use the term without regard to the prevailing theoretical models and corresponding directives for training and assessment. Multidisciplinary research teams are often unfriendly to psychological theories. The Lui et al. critique reveals a high regard for cognitive-behavioral theories and a considerable respect for conducting theory-driven research and service. In particular, this critique conveys a premium on theory for organizing and interpreting multidisciplinary research, and for guiding service programs and their evaluation.

The most critical and informative review of this literature appeared in a recent meta-analysis of 31 studies of PST ( Malouff, Thorsteinsson, & Schutte, 2007 ). This paper stayed true to the basic, organizing principles of the social problem-solving model and recognized the theoretical fidelity of authors across studies. PST demonstrated a significant effect size across studies, indicating a superiority over no treatment and treatment-as-usual. Although no moderating effects were found by mode of delivery (group, individual) or in the number of hours of PST (further confounding our ability to determine adequate “dosage”), these colleagues found significant effects for the presence of problem orientation training (consistent with the Nezu position) and homework assignments. Unfortunately, they also found an “investigator” effect: Studies conducted by one of the developers of PST had a significant contribution to the overall effects of PST. This contribution was stronger than the contributions of homework assignment and problem orientation training. Finally, PST was not significantly different from bona fide treatment alternatives.

Identifying and Solving Problems in the Research Base

As these recent reviews and preceding comments attest, there are several problems that have lingered in this literature that impede our appreciation of social problem-solving abilities and the mechanisms by which they have beneficial effects on health. Yet the available research is generally supportive, as we continue to see positive and theoretically consistent findings in multidisciplinary outlets (e.g., Stroke, Journal of Behavioral Medicine, Pain, British Medical Journal, Patient Education and Counseling ) that signify an acceptance of social problem solving far beyond the usual confines of counseling psychology research (which also may signify the far-reaching impact of counseling psychology research). With these optimistic thoughts in mind, we assert the following issues should receive greater theoretical and empirical scrutiny in future work.

Utilize and Promote Theory-Driven Research and Instrumentation

Exploratory studies are unquestionably compelling and intriguing, and they arguably broaden our vision and stoke our intellectual curiosity (e.g., Hill-Briggs et al., 2006 ). But the ordinary, rank-and-file, “stopgap” studies do not advance our understanding of social problem-solving abilities if they fail to make explicit ties to the prevailing theoretical models, ignore instruments tied to these models (PSI, SPSI-R), or make vague, obscure references to “problem solving” with no appreciation for the implications of prior work, subsequently squandering the opportunity for informed, relevant research that advances existing knowledge. It is frustrating to read studies that ignore prior work, and wonder how the results could have differed if proper attention had been given to the implications of previous theory-driven research (e.g., De Vliegu, et al., 2006).

These are not trivial matters: The most egregious and harmful incidents occur in large, multisite clinical trials that purport to use “problem solving interventions” with no ties to relevant theory-driven research, and then report null effects for their intervention (as in the case of Project REACH). For those invested in policy-relevant research, small-scale studies that yield positive results are held in suspicion because smaller samples often overestimate actual treatment effects (and thereby dismiss the convergence of data across methodologically diverse studies); large-scale, multisite randomized controlled trials (like Project REACH) are assumed to be more robust, generalizeable, and necessary for determining the true efficacy of an intervention ( Califf, 2002 ). Consequently, a perceived lack of evidence from a multisite clinical trial can irreparably smear the reputation of theory-driven PST, and cultivate unjustified disinterest among funding sources and policymakers for further study of PST.

There is some concern that the primary measures of problem-solving abilities—the PSI and the SPSI-R—may be too time-consuming and cumbersome for use in many clinical settings. Interestingly, a shorter, 25-item form of the SPSI-R has been used successfully in several studies (e.g. Grant et al., 2002 ) and some researchers have read the SPSI-R aloud to participants to ensure administration (with theoretical consistently results among persons with visual impairments, Dreer et al., 2005 , and with disabling mobility impairments, Elliott, 1999 ). This may be asking too much for everyday clinical applications and shorter versions should be developed for telehealth applications and in primary care clinics. Preliminary item analysis of the SPSI-R suggests that a briefer version for greater use may be possible, with results generally consistent with contemporary reformulations of the social problem-solving model ( Dreer et al., 2007 ).

Broaden the Scope of PST across Research Teams and Clinical Settings

The effects of PST on depression and distress permeate the literature ( Malouff et al., 2007 ). Recent applications have unsuccessfully tried to use PST to elevate life satisfaction ( Rivera, Elliott, Berry, & Grant, 2007 ). More promising areas include the use of PST principles to promote healthier diets and lifestyles ( Lesley, 2007 ; Perri et al., 2001 ) and to facilitate the use of problem-solving strategies in social interactions (essential for community reintegration; Rath et al., 2003 ). Although much of this work is hampered by the lack of specificity about the actual implementation of PST and relevant theory (rendering the results suspect and thwarting generalizability and replicability; e.g., Van den Hout et al., 2003 ), these studies collectively illustrate the potential of PST in various applications. Other colleagues, for example, incorporate PST in promoting healthier lifestyles (including matters of impulse control, adherence, mood regulation) among persons who are HIV+ (the Health Living project, Gore-Felton et al., 2005 ) and who have substance abuse histories ( Latimer, Winters, D’Zurilla, & Nichols, 2003 ). PST may prove to be quite adaptable in long-distance, community-based telehealth programs, in which ongoing services may be provided to underserved people and to those in remote areas (e.g., Grant et al., 2002 ; Wade et al., 2006a ).

Identify the Mechanisms of Therapeutic Change

It appears that there is no clear evidence of the “dosage” of PST necessary to effect change. Moreover, when change occurs, it is unclear if the changes are uniquely attributable to PST. One persistent issue concerns the intricate relationship between a negative orientation and self-report measures of distress. Even when we find evidence linking effective problem-solving abilities with objectively defined outcomes (e.g., skin ulcers), we do not know if effective problem-solving abilities influenced greater behavioral adherence to therapeutic regimens, or if the problem orientation component was instrumental in regulating emotional adjustment and prevented distress that could have compromised health. We do know that PST is more successful when the issues germane to the problem orientation component are addressed, and there is evidence that decreases in negative orientation and dysfunctional problem-solving styles can be associated with decreases in depression in response to PST ( Rivera, Elliott, Berry, & Grant, 2007 ).

There is legitimate concern that—with respect to social problem-solving abilities—the “absence of the negative” may be more powerful than the “presence of the positive.” It is important for us to understand how and why a negative, dysfunctional style is associated with negative outcomes (and a greater likelihood of a positive outcome), and why and under what conditions a constructive problem-solving style proves uniquely beneficial. This could entail studies of social problem solving abilities and biomedical indicators of stress and adjustment. We believe this is a pressing issue given current interest in social problem-solving as an important variable in positive psychology ( Heppner & Wang, 2003 ).

Attend to Matters of Diversity

Few cognitive-behavioral variables appear to be as culturally resilient as social problem-solving abilities ( Heppner et al., 2004 ). Large-scale studies that have controlled for possible effects of ethnicity have shown the relationships of social problem-solving abilities to distress and adherence ( Johnson et al., 2006 ) and to health outcomes ( Elliott et al., 2006 ) are not mediated by race. Studies of race-specific issues have yielded some of the most intriguing data to date among problem-solving and biomedical markers of health (among African-American men; Hill-Briggs, et al., 2006 ); other work has shown some effects for PST tailored to address health promotion issues among african Americans with hypertension ( Lesley, 2007 ). There is also some indication that Spanish-speaking participants may experience greater benefits from PST than others ( Sahler, et al., 2005 ).

There are many health problems that are disproportionately experienced by ethnic minorities in the United States (e.g., diabetes, stroke, disability incurred in acts of violence). Collectively, available evidence suggests that PST may be used in prevention and remedial programs to assist persons from minority backgrounds who live with these conditions. Although this work is promising, we have yet to see robust effects of PST across health conditions and research has yet to be conducted in any substantive fashion with certain ethnic groups (e.g., Chinese, although initial work has been consistent with extant theoretical models; see Siu & Shek, 2005 ). Ideally, the next wave of intervention research will document effects of PST among people across ethnic groups and cultures.

Problem Solving for the People

Research to date suggests that PST can be effectively provided by psychologists, physicians, nurses and counselors. As the needs of our society demand greater attention to and support for the increasing number of people who live with a chronic health conditions that necessitates routine adherence to prescribed regimens (and currently this number constitutes almost 50% of the population of the United States; Partnerships for Solutions, 2004 ), health promotion programs will increasingly rely on paraprofessionals and community health workers to reach a larger number of individuals. These public health efforts already work with community groups (schools, churches) and with respected paraprofessionals within certain communities (e.g., promotoras in Latino communities) to educate people about health and health promotion skills. We believe problem-solving principles can be taught in public health interventions to reach a greater percentage of people who are affected by chronic health conditions (including family members of an individual with a diagnosable condition). We also know that PST can be effectively provided in the community via telehealth, so a greater use of existing technologies is expected in community-based programs. PST can be a useful modality for prevention programs for teaching health promotion skills (e.g., nutrition, sexual health and behaviors, exercise and activity) to individuals, generally.

A real concern lurking in this sea of possibility is the difficulty in determining when and how to best apply PST: People experience a wide range of problems in our communities, and paraprofessionals may be overwhelmed by the depth and severity of certain problems they will inevitably encounter in their clientele. Furthermore, we know that some individuals live with considerable distress and face many problems that have a restricted range of options and solutions. In these clinical scenarios, a strict reliance on the rather linear application of PST principles may be frustrating to paraprofessionals and clients. Research is needed to determine the best and optimal use of PST by paraprofessionals in public health interventions, and when doctoral-level providers are best suited for using PST in more complex cases that demand greater clinical expertise.

The study and application of social problem-solving abilities has matured beyond its early years in the counseling psychology literature to be embraced by a larger, multidisciplinary audience. Many theoretical issues remain for counseling psychologists to examine and refine, and an influx of new researchers would do much to assuage concerns of “investigator” effects in PST research. Perhaps the next wave of PST research will be conducted in public health programs. It behooves counseling psychology to be involved in this activity so that the theoretical tenets of social problem-solving are accurately integrated and realized in this work, and in the process, ensure a more accurate realization of the effects and applicability of social problem-solving theory and research for the public good.

Acknowledgments

This chapter was supported by grants to the first author awarded by the National Institute on Child Health and Human Development (#T32HD07420), the National Institute on Disability and Rehabilitation Research (H133A020509), and from the National Center for Injury Prevention and Control (#R49/CE000191) to the Injury Control Research Center at the University of Alabama at Birmingham.

The contents of this study are solely the responsibility of the authors and do not necessarily represent the official views of the funding agencies.

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Addressing Perinatal Mental Health Issues Through a Collaborative Research

Researchers at Illinois are combining forces to tackle the leading cause of death for pregnant women in the United States: mental health.

Karen Tabb Dina , one of the nation’s top researchers in perinatal mental health studies, is co-leading an effort to change that statistic with research collaborator David Huang , who specializes in instructional system design and implementation.  

“One in three people that give birth will experience a perinatal mental health problem,” said Tabb Dina, a School of Social Work professor. She noted that number has been climbing since the start of COVID, and that some people are especially impacted, including those who are Black or Native American/Alaska Native, as well as those with disabilities, low incomes, or living in rural areas.  

The research effort at Illinois, which is housed at the Beckman Institute for Advanced Science and Technology, where Tabb Dina is a researcher, is part of a multi-university program called Pathways to Perinatal Mental Health Equity . The program’s focus is developing better practices for supporting perinatal mental health needs, and training researchers and medical professionals on those practices.   

“If it’s untreated, that presents risk for both mom and baby,” said Tabb Dina. “It could become substance-use for coping, gestational diabetes, poor birth outcomes, or increased C-sections. For the baby, that could lead to a stay in the NICU, having low birth weight, and trouble with cognition later on.”     

The Power of Interdisciplinary Problem Solving  

Despite their different backgrounds and expertise, Tabb Dina and Huang, a professor in the College of Education, have been collaborating on perinatal mental health research since 2017, when the two received their first Patient-Centered Outcomes Research Institute (PCORI) award.   

“Dr. Huang always brings his expertise in decision-making science, implementation science, and group process,” said Tabb Dina. “I just help people make decisions. A lot of the finesse as a social worker is going into a hospital system and saying, ‘This is a problem, your data says it’s a problem.’ Dr. Huang and I complement each other nicely.”    

Huang agrees, noting that he and Tabb Dina share a deep interest in addressing “emerging needs from underrepresented populations and communities.”   

“Collectively, we’re contributing to the Pathways project with interdisciplinary perspectives proven by our prior collaborations,” said Huang.   

Training the Next Generation of Engaged Researchers  

As part of Pathways at Illinois, PCORI is funding one young faculty scholar to come in and work with real patients and professionals to learn more about these issues and how to prioritize them in their research. Tabb Dina and Huang are also establishing a mentorship network for additional scholars, to bring these perinatal mental health issues into focus and train the next generation of engaged researchers – especially faculty who are underrepresented minorities.     

“Dr. Huang is bringing his expertise in mentoring and how we educate people to be engaged scientists,” said Tabb Dina. “If researchers show merit and promise, we are going to invite them to be a part of this network and program.”  

Throughout the process, Tabb Dina and Huang will work closely with researchers at three other institutions participating in the Pathways program: UMass Chan Medical School, SUNY Downstate Health Sciences, and University of Colorado. A $21 million grant from PCORI funds the work.  

When asked what success looks like to him, Huang is focused on the next generation.  

“I would like see a sustainable level of interest from the next wave of scholars and practitioners – scientists who are invested in this line of inquiry and engagement through research.”  

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One way social work researchers can better understand community needs—and move the field forward

by Matt Shipman, North Carolina State University

Researchers are calling on the social work community to begin incorporating a methodology called "discrete choice experiments" (DCEs) into their research, to better understand the needs and preferences of key stakeholders. This technique is well established in other fields but is rarely used in social work.

The paper, " How to Use Discrete Choice Experiments to Capture Stakeholder Preferences in Social Work Research ," is published in the Journal of the Society for Social Work and Research .

"Social workers need to engage with a wide variety of stakeholders, from policy makers to the people who use social services ," says Alan Ellis, an associate professor of social work at North Carolina State University and corresponding author of a paper introducing social work researchers to the DCE methodology.

"But social work, as a research discipline, has not identified a standard technique for eliciting the preferences of those stakeholders—even though this is a critical issue," Ellis says.

"Although traditional survey methods can be used to evaluate stakeholder perspectives, the DCE is one of several methodologies that were specifically designed to assess the degree to which people prioritize one thing over another. In this paper, we propose that social work researchers adopt DCEs as a robust tool for capturing stakeholder preferences on any number of issues."

In a DCE, researchers ask participants to complete a series of choice tasks: hypothetical situations in which each participant is presented with alternative scenarios and selects one or more.

"For example, social work researchers may want to know how parents and other caregivers prioritize different aspects of mental health treatment when choosing services for their children," Ellis says. "A DCE can explore this question by presenting scenarios that include different types of mental health care providers, treatment methods, costs, locations and so on. Caregivers' stated choices in these scenarios can provide a lot of information about their priorities."

DCEs were first developed by marketing researchers and are now widely used in fields ranging from transportation to health care.

"We know that DCEs effectively capture preferences on a wide variety of subjects," Ellis says. "We simply want to begin using them more consistently to address issues that are important to stakeholders in social work.

"From a pure research standpoint, having a better understanding of stakeholder needs and preferences can move the field forward by helping us develop better research questions and better studies," says Ellis. "Beyond that, having a better understanding of our clients' preferences and goals will make us better social workers. Adopting DCEs can strengthen the link between social work research and practice—and ground our research , policy, and practice in the values that are important to the people we serve.

"I'm optimistic that DCEs could help us collaborate with stakeholders to effect positive change."

The paper was co-authored by Qiana Cryer-Coupet of Georgia State University, Bridget Weller of Wayne State University, Kirsten Howard and Rakhee Raghunandan of the University of Sydney, and Kathleen Thomas of the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill.

Provided by North Carolina State University

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The problem with pronatalism: Pushing baby booms to boost economic growth amounts to a Ponzi scheme

Assistant Professor of Science and Technology Studies, University of California, Davis

Research Affiliate, Center for Studies in Demography and Ecology, University of Washington

Disclosure statement

Emily Klancher Merchant is affiliated with the Population Association of America.

Win Brown is affiliated with the Population Association of America.

University of California, Davis and University of Washington provide funding as members of The Conversation US.

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In the face of shrinking populations , many of the world’s major economies are trying to engineer higher birth rates.

Policymakers from South Korea , Japan and Italy , for example, have all adopted so-called “ pronatalist” measures in the belief that doing so will defuse a demographic time bomb. These range from tax breaks and housing benefits for couples who have children to subsidies for fertility treatments.

But here’s the thing: Low – or, for that matter high – birth rates are not a problem in and of themselves. Rather, they are perceived as a cause of or contributor to other problems: With low birth rates come slow economic growth and a top-heavy age structure ; high birth rates mean resource depletion and environmental degradation .

Moreover, birth rates are notoriously hard to change , and efforts to do so often become coercive, even if they don’t start out that way.

As demographers and population experts , we also know that such efforts are usually unnecessary. Manipulating fertility is an inefficient means of solving social, economic and environmental problems that are almost always better addressed more directly through regulation and redistribution.

A new pronatalist movement

According to the most likely scenario, the world’s population will peak around the beginning of 2084 at about 10.3 billion people – approximately 2 billion more than we have today. After that, the global population is projected to stop growing and will likely shrink to just below 10.2 billion by 2100.

Yet many countries are already ahead of this curve, with populations predicted to decline in the next decade. And that has prompted concerns among some nations’ economists over economic growth and old-age support. In some instances, it has also prompted nativist fears about “ replacement” through immigration .

As of 2019, 55 countries – mainly in Asia, Europe and the Middle East – had explicit policies aimed at raising birth rates .

The U.S. does have a child tax credit but no policies directly aimed at raising birth rates, according to the U.N., which tracks population policies worldwide .

Even so, in recent years a new pronatalist movement has emerged in the U.S., drawing heavily from a range of ideologies, including racism, nativism, neoliberalism, effective altruism and longtermism .

Among the voices pushing for pronatalist policies are Elon Musk and influencers Malcolm and Simone Collins , who warn that the human population is on the verge of collapse .

Republican presidential nominee Donald Trump has indicated he wants incentives for women to have more babies , and his running mate, JD Vance, has been a rare voice on the floor of Congress warning of a U.S. baby bust .

New babies to solve old problems

The pronatalist movement is, we believe, inherently misguided. It is premised on the belief that ever-larger populations are needed to spur economic growth, which alone will lift individuals and communities out of poverty.

But absent direct state intervention, this additional wealth generally accrues to those with established higher incomes , often at the expense of workers and consumers.

Seen this way, pronatalism is a Ponzi scheme . It relies on new entrants to produce returns for earlier investors, with the burdens falling most heavily on women , who are responsible for the bulk of childbearing and child-rearing, often without adequate medical care or affordable child care.

Government intervention in reproduction

For nearly a century, governments have used access to birth control and abortion as levers with which to try to adjust their population growth rates, but usually in the other direction: making birth control and abortion more widely available – and often pushing them on people who wanted more children – when birth rates were deemed too high . Such policies were implemented in numerous countries between the 1960s and 1990s to stimulate economic growth, with China’s one-child policy the most extreme example. Ironically, while high birth rates were once seen as a barrier to economic development , today low birth rates are seen as a drag on economic growth.

Advocates of efforts to reduce birth rates have pointed to the beneficial effects of family planning services. But critics warn that instrumentalizing reproductive health care – offering it as a means to the end of slowing population growth rather than an end in itself – makes it vulnerable to being taken away if population growth is deemed too slow.

Indeed, several of the countries that now restrict access to birth control and abortion, including South Korea and Iran, once promoted them in order to reduce their birth rate.

In 1968, the International Conference on Human Rights declared that couples had the right to decide the number and spacing of their children. At that time, the growth of the world’s population was at its all-time high of just over 2% per year.

But if humans have the inherent right to control their reproductive lives, it follows that governments need to protect that right when birth rates are low as well as when they are high. It is, in our view, incumbent on policymakers to use other interventions to reach economic and social goals.

And these more direct approaches can be effective. For example, in the U.S., we saw child poverty cut in half during the COVID-19 pandemic as a result of a higher tax credit, only to return to pre-COVID-19 levels when Congress allowed the supplemental credit to lapse.

Little effect on birth rates

To date, pronatalist policies have largely focused on subsidizing the cost of child-rearing and helping parents remain in the labor force.

While enormously beneficial to parents and children, such policies have had little effect on birth rates. For example, Italy’s 2020 Family Act – a comprehensive program that provides family allowances, increases paternity leave, supplements the salaries of mothers and subsidizes child care – has not stemmed the country’s falling fertility rate .

As fertility rates continue to drop, and as popular anxiety about population collapse heightens, governments are beginning to take more draconian measures. Along with promoting assisted reproductive technologies, South Korea banned abortion in 2005 . China’s State Council recently announced the goal of “reducing non-medically necessary abortions,” supposedly to promote “women’s development.”

Around the same time, Iran severely restricted access to abortion, sterilization and contraception for the express purpose of increasing the birth rate.

Borrowing from the future

Those who deny racist, nativist or religious intentions in promoting pronatalism – especially in the U.S. – usually advocate for it on economic grounds.

Their reasoning is that declining fertility produces a top-heavy age structure. In the U.S. context, this means a large number of elderly people collecting Social Security relative to the number of working people paying into the system.

Experts have been projecting the insolvency of Social Security for decades. But the truth is that the U.S. does not need more babies to keep Social Security afloat. Rather, policymakers can increase the size of the working-age population through pro-immigration policies and can increase the amount of money flowing into Social Security by lifting the income cap on contributions .

Governments can provide education, contraception and other health care services, not because doing so will reduce birth rates but because these are vital components of a progressive, fair-minded society. And they can provide parental leave, child tax credits and high-quality child care, not because doing so will increase birth rates but because it will help the children who are born get the best possible start in life.

Seen through this lens, pronatalism offers a hollow-ringing promise that simply having more people will solve social and economic problems faced by a nation’s current population. But that amounts to borrowing from the future to pay the debts of the past.

Karen Hardee , an independent social demographer, contributed to this article.

• Aging population
• South Korea
• Donald Trump
• Population loss
• Declining birth rates

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12 Aug 2024  ·  Liuqing Chen , Yaxuan Song , Shixian Ding , Lingyun Sun , Peter Childs , Haoyu Zuo · Edit social preview

TRIZ, the Theory of Inventive Problem Solving, is derived from a comprehensive analysis of patents across various domains, offering a framework and practical tools for problem-solving. Despite its potential to foster innovative solutions, the complexity and abstractness of TRIZ methodology often make its acquisition and application challenging. This often requires users to have a deep understanding of the theory, as well as substantial practical experience and knowledge across various disciplines. The advent of Large Language Models (LLMs) presents an opportunity to address these challenges by leveraging their extensive knowledge bases and reasoning capabilities for innovative solution generation within TRIZ-based problem-solving process. This study explores and evaluates the application of LLMs within the TRIZ-based problem-solving process. The construction of TRIZ case collections establishes a solid empirical foundation for our experiments and offers valuable resources to the TRIZ community. A specifically designed workflow, utilizing step-by-step reasoning and evaluation-validated prompt strategies, effectively transforms concrete problems into TRIZ problems and finally generates inventive solutions. Finally, we present a case study in mechanical engineering field that highlights the practical application of this LLM-augmented method. It showcases GPT-4's ability to generate solutions that closely resonate with original solutions and suggests more implementation mechanisms.

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